Khaddam’s : Assad regime has subjected Syria to Iranian influence and predicts its inevitable downfall.

Abdel Halim Khaddam, the former vice president of Syria who currently opposes the regime, expressed that King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz is the sole Arab leader who has openly declared support for the Syrian people. In an interview with “Today,” he stated that the Syrian people were not surprised by this stance, which reflects the deep sympathy of the King of the Two Holy Mosques towards them. Khaddam highlighted that Syrians have always found empathy from the Kingdom and expressed their anticipation for the support of the King in liberating themselves from the tyrannical regime.

Living in exile in France, Khaddam asserted that the Assad regime has subjected the country to Iranian influence to such an extent that Iranians now conduct their religious ceremonies in the Umayyad Mosque and hold public religious demonstrations, while suppressing demonstrations for other communities within Syria. Khaddam firmly believes that the Syrian regime is on its last legs and approaching its inevitable end.

He criticized those who oppose foreign intervention, questioning whether a regime that employs the national army to kill and suppress its own people can be considered a national regime. He also challenged the notion of foreign intervention leading to occupation, asking about the temptations that would transform it into an occupying force. Khaddam accused those who oppose foreign intervention of serving the regime, emphasizing that they themselves are not killed, but rather face torture, displacement, and the suffering of their children.

Abdel Halim Khaddam is a controversial figure, given his political background and experience spanning the Syrian political landscape from the days of Assad’s father. Disagreeing with President Assad, the son, he eventually left Syria and currently resides in Paris, where he continues to engage in various discussions and issues of importance:

Q1. By sowing destructive chaos in the Arab region, as we witness in the Syrian situation, Iran is suppressing and causing harm to our unarmed and peaceful Syrian population through the actions of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard. Furthermore, Iran’s disruptive activities extend to Iraq, Bahrain, Kuwait, and even to the heinous and criminal plot to bomb the embassy and assassinate the Saudi ambassador in Washington. What is your perspective on this matter?

• Iran is a significant country in the region with aspirations of dominating the area and becoming its decision-making center. In pursuit of this goal, Iran has formulated a regional strategy aimed at exerting control across the region, spanning from the Mediterranean to the borders of Afghanistan. Internationally, Iran seeks to establish partnerships with major countries to address and resolve issues concerning global peace, security, and the economy. When comparing Iran’s present reality to its state during the revolution, it becomes evident that Iran has solidified its influence in Lebanon through Hezbollah, establishing a presence on the Mediterranean coast and bordering Palestine. As a result, Iran has become a participant in the Arab-Israeli conflict, strengthening its role through alliances with Palestinian factions opposed to peaceful solutions. Moreover, Iran’s control over the Syrian regime and its decision-making processes positions it as a key partner concerning the Arab-Israeli conflict. Additionally, Iran has managed to control Iraq through its utilization of Shiite Islamic parties and leveraging the Syrian regime. Furthermore, Iran has established dormant cells within Gulf states and countries with significant Shiite Muslim populations. It is also noteworthy to mention Iran’s connections with the Houthis in Yemen, whom they exploit to exert pressure on Gulf states via Yemen. In implementing its strategy, Iran has relied on the following :

1. Building a qualified and well-equipped military force capable of defending against any potential war, drawing lessons from its experience with Iraq.
2. Establishing an advanced scientific foundation by attracting scientists from various countries, including those seeking employment after the Soviet era, as well as Chinese and Korean experts.
3. Leveraging its regional position to serve its regional and international strategies.
4. Successfully fueling sectarian tensions among a significant majority of Shiite Muslims, positioning itself as the only Shiite state in the world that adopts Islam as its religion and the Jaafari doctrine as its reference. This has garnered political and religious loyalty from a widespread segment of Shiite Muslims.
5. Adhering to the popular saying in Iran, “If you see a snake, do not kill it with your hand but with your enemy.” This approach is exemplified by Iran’s utilization of the American enemy in Afghanistan and Iraq, influencing Shiite Islamic parties to align with the Americans and Kurds to overthrow the Iraqi regime. After the war, Iran utilized this relationship to further its agenda, leading to the dissolution of the Iraqi state, its security services, and the eradication of the Baath Party. These actions created fertile ground for the emergence of a strong and fierce resistance, prompting the American forces to eventually withdraw from Iraq. Iran strategically used its Iraqi enemy to strike its American adversary.
6. Capitalizing on the disintegration of the Arab situation and the inability of Arab countries to formulate a comprehensive strategy to defend their security, interests, and rights. Within this framework, Iran activated its dormant cells in Yemen and Bahrain, while the attempts to blow up the Saudi Embassy in Washington and assassinate the ambassador were carried out as part of an operation intended to terrorize and intimidate countries, discouraging them from resisting Iran’s agenda.

Iran’s support for the Syrian regime and its involvement in planning and executing brutal acts in Syria aim to safeguard its key stronghold in the region, which is the Syrian regime itself. Iran seeks to suppress and extinguish the revolution, but the Syrian regime is inevitably approaching its end. A regime that kills its citizens, humiliates them, inflicts torture, suppresses freedoms, and engages in looting their homes, livelihoods, and money cannot survive. Its downfall is certain, and the leaders, associates, and collaborators who have committed crimes should be held accountable and receive appropriate punishment.

Q2. Your decision to break away from the Syrian regime, especially after experiencing a significant rift with the Arab axis and falling under Iranian influence, has created an unprecedented event. We are curious about the reasons behind this courageous and bold stance, departing from a Syrian system that has been involved in numerous crimes affecting Syria and the Arab world.?

One of the main reasons for my departure from the regime and my efforts to bring it down revolves around the following issues:

1. The internal situation: The regime’s repressive practices, persecution, and humiliation have deprived Syrian citizens of their fundamental rights, instilling fear in their hearts and minds. Additionally, the regime has sabotaged education, spread corruption, and dismantled the values that Syrians have cherished. There has been a prioritization of loyalty to the regime at the expense of the country. Furthermore, the regime’s policy of isolation, exclusion, and discrimination has weakened national unity, contributed to sectarian tensions, and exacerbated the Kurdish problem, as they have been denied their basic rights as Syrian citizens.
2. The regime’s control over wealth: The regime holds exclusive authority over the country’s resources, using it to impoverish the people and subject them to deprivation, prioritizing personal gain over the welfare of the nation.
3. The regime’s dependence on Iran: The regime’s alignment with Iran has resulted in Syria moving away from the Arab sphere and coming under Iranian influence. This has opened the doors for extensive Iranian involvement in Syria. One concerning aspect is the presence of funeral processions and the establishment of Hosseiniyat and religious centers in cities and villages where there are no Shiite communities. Of particular concern is the celebration of Ashura in the Umayyad Mosque and the perpetuation of traditions that involve cursing the Umayyads, who played a crucial role in spreading Islam from the Levant to the borders of China in the east and the Atlantic Ocean in the west. Iranians even engage in provocative activities in Al-Hamidiya market and other markets in Damascus, deliberately aiming to incite the sentiments of Syrians. On the other hand, celebrations of religious holidays through street demonstrations by other communities in Syria are prohibited.

These factors, among others, have compelled me to take a strong stand against the Syrian regime and work towards its downfall.

Q3. Undoubtedly, Your Excellency, as the President, you posed a significant threat to the Syrian regime, given the multiple spheres of influence within the ruling class. You were the strongest figure capable of redirecting Syria’s path in a different direction. However, the regime did not accept this from you.

What are your thoughts on this?

• My perspective on the situation in Syria differed greatly from that of the regime, both in internal and external matters. This perspective was openly expressed, causing concern within the regime. I particularly emphasized during various party meetings the importance of the Baath Party evolving its approach and conduct, and the state implementing political, economic, and administrative reforms, including judicial reform. I firmly believed that if the regime failed to do so, events would unfold that would ultimately bring about its downfall. The most recent discussion on this matter took place during the Qatari conference held on June 5, 2005. It was during this period that I made the decision to resign from my official and party responsibilities. A few months after leaving Syria, I officially severed ties with the regime and called for its overthrow.

Q4. The King of the Two Holy Mosques has called upon the Syrian regime to cease its suppression and killing of the peaceful and unarmed Syrian people. However, what we have witnessed is further repression and assimilation of the Syrian population.

What are your thoughts on this?

• I would like to emphasize that the King of the Two Holy Mosques stands as the sole Arab leader who has openly declared his support for the Syrian people and condemned the brutal atrocities committed by the regime against peaceful demonstrators demanding their fundamental rights. The Syrian people were not surprised by this stance, as it reflects the deep sympathy and compassion of the King of the Two Holy Mosques towards their plight. It also demonstrates the strong Arab identity of the King, which consistently manifests in his approach to resolving crises among Arab nations.

This statement truly reflects the depth of the King’s emotions towards the suffering of the Syrian people. Throughout history, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has consistently extended its support to Syrians, starting from the time of the late King Abdulaziz, who actively backed the independent national movement. Moreover, the Kingdom provided refuge to several Syrian national leaders who had fled Syria due to persecution by government agencies. These individuals contributed significantly to the nation-building phase of Saudi Arabia, as they were welcomed to work and reside within its borders. Therefore, the Syrian people continue to seek the support and assistance of the King of the Two Holy Mosques in their quest to rid themselves of this oppressive and tyrannical regime.

Q5. The Syrian regime made several baseless accusations against me, including false political and financial ties with Rafiq Hariri. What are your thoughts on this?

Fabricating lies and unfounded charges is a typical characteristic of the ruling regime in Syria. These accusations are not limited to Syrian opponents but also extend to anyone, including non-Syrians, who dares to criticize it. Despite my departure from the system, the regime failed to produce any evidence of corruption to justify referring me or my family members, even up to the 20th degree, to the judiciary.

I have repeatedly challenged the regime to present any corruption charges against me, my family, or relatives. However, they have been unable to provide any concrete evidence. The charge they brought against me and referred to the military judiciary was conspiring with a foreign country to overthrow the regime, without disclosing the name of the country or the specifics of the alleged conspiracy. I was twice sentenced to life imprisonment based on these baseless accusations. Recently, the Criminal Court in Tartous issued a third sentence, sentencing me to 15 years in prison for allegedly not paying the water bill for my house in Banias. It is worth noting that the house has remained unoccupied for the past six years.

Regarding my relationship with President Rafik Hariri, it was solely a political relationship, and there is no truth to any claims of financial ties. I supported President Hariri due to his significant contributions to Syria, as well as his efforts to serve a number of Arab and foreign countries. Moreover, he was actively engaged in a national project aimed at mitigating the consequences of the civil war and rebuilding Lebanon.

Q6. General Ghazi Kanaan assumed responsibility for the Lebanese file after your departure, and he later died, with some speculating that it was an assassination. What is your take on this?

• General Ghazi Kanaan’s death occurred following his testimony before the International Commission of Inquiry in Damascus. His testimony elicited strong emotions and fears among Bashar Al-Assad and his associates. The circumstances surrounding his death remain unclear, and there have been speculations suggesting that he may have been assassinated.

Q7. How do you perceive Hikmat Shihabi’s role in the Syrian political landscape?

• General Hikmat Shihabi retired in 1998 and subsequently relocated to the United States. He currently divides his time between his residences in Los Angeles and Paris. Although he occasionally visits Damascus, he has withdrawn from active political engagement since his retirement.

Q8. Do you currently oppose the Assad regime, and do you have supporters?

• Throughout my life, I have dedicated myself to serving my country, holding various party and government positions until assuming the role of Vice President for Foreign Affairs. Today, I strive to support the younger generation and assist them in shouldering the responsibility of nation-building and securing their future, which is intertwined with the future of our country. Since my departure, I have been actively working to overthrow the regime and supporting the revolution, not for the sake of personal power, but to contribute to the construction of a new Syria.

Q9. It has been said that you provided information about the assassination of Rafiq Hariri without the knowledge or arrangement with the Syrian regime while you were in Syria, considering it as testimony against the regime. What is your perspective on this?

• I provided my statement to the International Commission of Inquiry in Paris several months after leaving Syria, as the investigations by the International Commission of Inquiry did not commence in Syria until after my departure.

Q10. You mentioned that the Syrian regime is nearing its end and that the corruption file will be extensively exposed. Do you believe the end is near from your point of view?

• The Syrian regime is approaching its inevitable demise. How can a regime that kills, humiliates, and tortures its own citizens, depriving them of their freedoms while plundering their homes, livelihoods, and resources, sustain itself? It is destined to fall, and the regime leaders, their accomplices, and those responsible for the crimes committed will face prosecution and receive the punishment they deserve.

Q11. In 2006, the French newspaper Libération reported information about serious American considerations to support you in assuming leadership in Syria. How should this be interpreted?

• The reports published in the French newspaper Libération regarding alleged American support for my leadership in Syria are entirely untrue.

Q12. How can we discuss your experience in the Baath Party?

• My journey within the party has encompassed various stages of activity and dedication to upholding the party’s principles. However, it has also been marked by a great deal of disappointment due to the deviation of the party leadership from the fundamental principles we swore to uphold when we came into power in March 1963.

The slogan of unity was replaced by the slogan of class struggle, and the focus on Arab unity diminished, leading to increased conflicts with several Arab countries. The commitment to freedom was substituted with a trend of suppressing public and individual freedoms, resorting to repression and instilling fear among citizens. Later, after Hafez Al-Assad assumed leadership of the country in November 1970, the pervasive corruption within the state and its civil, military, and security institutions became more apparent. Economic crises escalated, and the living standards of the people deteriorated. I contemplated resignation on numerous occasions. However, the domestication of the Syrian opposition and their inclusion in the Progressive National Front, coupled with the absence of political life and the prevailing atmosphere of fear experienced by the people, made me hesitate. I knew that my resignation would be overshadowed by the ongoing tragedy suffered by Syrians, and I realized that my fate would likely be similar to that of three individuals.

These three individuals are: General Mohamed Omran, who was killed in Tripoli, Mr. Salah Bitar, one of the party’s founders who was assassinated in France, and General Salah Jadid, one of the prominent figures within the party at the time, who died in prison after serving a 25-year sentence. These circumstances motivated me to remain in my position and continue serving my country, particularly in the realm of foreign policy. I expressed my views during party meetings, in my discussions with President Hafez Al-Assad, and through various media interviews. I advocated for the party and the state to adopt a different approach, one that prioritizes the restoration of public and private freedoms and the establishment of constitutional institutions through free elections. I also called for comprehensive reforms in the party and state structure, as well as in the national economy. These ideas were shared after my return from the Non-Aligned Summit held in South Africa at that time .

This conversation came as a surprise to the attendees of the conference, prompting a member of the Qatari leadership, Mr. Tawfiq Salha, to comment that Comrade Abu Jamal had exceeded the party’s principles. In response, I stated that there are no fixed principles in the party as concepts change according to circumstances. While our previous stance was against reconciliation, recognition, and negotiation with Israel, three years ago, the Chief of Staff of the Syrian Army met with the Chief of Staff of the Israeli Army in Washington to discuss peace. Syrian and Israeli delegations have engaged in negotiations for peace. Similarly, we had previously decided not to establish relations with Egypt following the fall of Mubarak’s regime and the peace agreement. However, after nine years, we found ourselves restoring strong relations with the Egyptian government. Hence, I emphasize that principles are not permanent, but interests are. Constants change as interests change. I reiterated this position during the first day and the first session of the Qatari Conference on June 5, 2005, after announcing my resignation from my leadership positions in the party and the state and my retirement from political work, but not national work.

Q13. How do you perceive the current situation in Syria, considering all the crimes committed by the regime?

• The regime still possesses military capabilities to carry out killings, arrests, and torture. However, from a realistic political standpoint, it has lost any possibility of sustaining itself due to widespread rejection. As the revolution progresses towards a confrontational phase, the regime’s ability to kill will diminish, and the internal bleeding within the military will increase. Therefore, this regime is approaching its inevitable downfall.

Q14. From your perspective, is it possible for the army to turn against the Assad regime, especially considering the increasing number of defections in the army?

• Hafez al-Assad meticulously constructed a security system by restructuring the national composition of the army and altering its principles. Consequently, the loyalty of the army shifted towards the president rather than the nation. The new generations of officers were indoctrinated with this mindset during their education in military and security colleges. However, infiltrating the army can occur under two circumstances. The first scenario involves assuring officers belonging to the Alawite sect, who have not been involved in crimes such as murder, torture, and humiliation, that the revolution will not harm them, and they will remain an integral part of the national army. The aim of the revolution is to deepen national unity and eliminate all sources of sectarian tension. This approach requires more than mere statements in the media; it necessitates direct and extensive communication through various channels. The second approach is to reassure the Alawite community as a whole, emphasizing their role in the national fabric and dissociating them from the responsibility of crimes committed by certain officers within their sect. Consequently, they are called upon to contribute to strengthening national unity, which has been undermined by the regime. I emphasize these two points because the Alawite community and its officers face immense pressure from two sources. On one hand, they fear retaliation from the revolution, as regime supporters propagate the notion that they will face persecution if the regime falls. On the other hand, they fear the regime’s oppression directed towards them.

Q15. How do you assess the Turkish role in the Syrian political scene?

• The Syrian and Turkish people share historical, religious, cultural, and economic ties. The length of the border between the two countries exceeds 800 km, underscoring the significance of their relations. The Turkish government, recognizing the magnitude of these ties, has chosen to condemn the regime’s crimes instead of maintaining its relations with the regime. I express my gratitude for this stance. While I do not anticipate unilateral military action from Turkey, I believe that if there is an international resolution or a decision by NATO, Turkey is likely to participate in endeavors aimed at protecting the Syrian people and fulfilling their aspirations.

Q16. Why is there such a blatant silence from the international community and its institutions regarding the crimes committed in Syria?

• In reality, the international community has not remained silent. The majority of countries have condemned the crimes and declared the regime’s legitimacy to be overthrown. Some have even taken punitive measures. However, their actions have not been on the same scale as what was done in Libya by certain countries. There are two main reasons for this discrepancy. Firstly, Arab countries specifically requested intervention in Libya to protect the Libyan people, whereas a similar call for intervention in Syria was not made. Secondly, some opposition parties in Syria have rejected the idea of external intervention, viewing it as a violation of national sovereignty, even though they still demand the overthrow of the regime. The crucial question is whether this regime can be considered a national system when it employs the national army to kill and suppress its own people. If there had been no international intervention, what would have transpired in Libya? What are the risks that could transform foreign intervention into an occupying force? Should we accept the continuation of daily killings and humiliation of the Syrian people? It is they who are being killed, their children tortured, and their families displaced. In truth, this slogan serves the interests of the regime rather than being a genuinely national slogan.

Q17. Can the positions of Russia and China be characterized as political foolishness when they support the regime, particularly considering that the situation in Syria cannot revert to what it was under any circumstances?

• Much has been said about the positions of Russia and China. In my view, the primary reason behind their stance is the pressure exerted on them by Iran.

Q18. Ribal Al-Assad and his father’s pitiful and desperate attempt at reconciliation with the Syrian people. How should we interpret it?

• The Syrian people cannot separate the name “Assad” from the injustice, repression, persecution, and impoverishment inflicted upon them by this family, from the highest to the youngest member. Rifat Al-Assad is not exempt from this legacy, and Syrians will not forget his actions during his time in Syria.