Khaddam: Al-Assad is not the decision-maker in Syria. Iran is the final arbiter

publisher: الشروق AL Shourouk

Publishing date: 2015-09-25

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Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam to “El Chourouk”

The Assad regime is the one that created “ISIS.” Yes, I was one of the symbols of the Syrian regime and ready for trial. If it weren’t for Iran, Assad would have been in the grave or in captivity. If the Syrian problem was a conflict between the people and the regime, it would have ended in two weeks. When I defected, I informed the Arabs that Syria would become the largest refuge for extremism. The Iranian Islamic revolution is a sectarian revolution that aroused sensitivities among the Shiites. Nasrallah started as a fighter and ended up as a representative of Iran in Lebanon.

Interviewed by: “El Chourouk” correspondent in Paris / Abdel Salam Sekia

A journalist and head of the international affairs department at El Chourouk daily

Without preconditions or predetermined limits to the discussion, we met one of the symbols of the Syrian regime, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, interim president, and vice president, Abdul Halim Khaddam. He hosted “El Chourouk Daily” at his residence in Paris and responded to all questions for discussion about the current crisis, especially developments following Russia’s entry into the battlefield. At 83 years old and convicted with death sentences from the Syrian judiciary, he shared his stance on several countries’ positions regarding the Syrian crisis and the Assad regime, as well as regional actors from Iran to Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

  • Firstly, how do you see the overall situation in Syria after four years of popular movement?
  • Undoubtedly, the situation is difficult, considering that killings, massacres, and displacement continue. However, with the involvement of two countries, namely Iran and Russia, the situation in Syria has evolved beyond a conflict between Syrians and the tyrant Bashar al-Assad. It has become a struggle against the murderous regime in Syria and against Iran and Russia as well. Iran sends experts, weapons, and fighters, while Russia supplies weapons. Recently, Russia provided Bashar with advanced weaponry. Without the intervention of Iran and Russia, Assad would have been either in the grave or in captivity.
  • Russian intervention has become apparent. Why does Russia intervene, or more accurately, why does it become involved, considering what happened to it in Afghanistan?
  • Russia exploited the hesitant American stance, providing an opportunity for Iran and Russia to intervene. Consequently, Russia has significant ambitions. It wants to regain the status it held during the Soviet era, and given Syria’s strategic location, it is an important state for Russian objectives. Therefore, Russia clings to it, and this attachment is for strategic reasons, some related to the region and others to international politics.
  • On this basis, do you think the major powers will remain idle?
  • After 4 and a half years of bloodshed, with a quarter of a million Syrians martyred, and 10 million others displaced, and the destruction of political and economic life, what more needs to happen for Washington to make a serious decision?
  • Did the Russian intervention serve the Alawites or was it a search for spoils for the Russian state?
  • Major powers do not intervene except for their interests. Russia considers Syria a site or region through which it can secure its interests in the Middle East and also secure intervention routes in Central Asia through Damascus, Baghdad, and Tehran. Therefore, Russia operates according to a cosmic strategy for its own interests.
  • Does the search for its strategic interests necessitate military intervention only? Why not through political mechanisms, for example?
  • Russia and any state do not care whether people live or die. The stories of human rights, theories, and the right to self-determination have all been crushed by major powers. If America is concerned about human rights, is there a situation like Syria’s that requires intervention or not? Thus, Russia is not a principled state; it is not a communist state working to spread communism. Instead, it is a dictatorial state. The dictator is primarily concerned with his interests and stability. If Russia regains its interests in Central Asia and expands in the Middle East, in this case, the Russian regime faces no troubles. However, if there are no forces that Russia can use, it cannot go beyond its borders.
  • There is a strange convergence between communist Russia and Shia Iran. What motivates this?
  • First, Russia is no longer communist but a dictatorial state, and it is solely interests that have brought them closer. Iran’s geographical location forms a link between Russia and Central Asia, and Iran, due to its connection with Bashar al-Assad, serves as a base for Russia to secure its interests in the Middle East.
  • You were one of the architects of Syrian-Iranian relations. How do you see Iran’s position on the crisis, and is Iran truly fighting for sectarian reasons?
  • When we allied with Iran, it was still in a narrow circle, considering that it was at war with Iraq, and all Arab countries did not approve of Iran’s policy. However, we established relations because the Iranian leader declared two issues: that his country would liberate Palestine, and secondly, that America is the greatest devil. We were interested in both issues, especially concerning Israel.

The Shah had relations with Israel, and now another regime claims to be against Israel. However, at the same time, the Islamic revolution in Iran took a sectarian approach, arousing sectarian sensitivities among Shia Muslims. Through this, they managed to push the majority of Shia Muslims to turn towards Iran.

Their reference in Iraq was in Najaf and became in Qom. They stirred sectarian sensitivities and aimed to transform Shia Muslims into dormant forces in the countries where they exist. Also noteworthy is the Iranian-American agreement. Khomeini described America as the “Great Satan,” and his successor, Khamenei, reached an agreement with the “Great Satan” to secure Iran’s interests. This means that the issue is not a religious matter but the use of faith for reasons related to the state itself.

  • Speaking of the Iranian-American rapprochement… is it a temporary marriage, or a Catholic marriage?
  • In international relations, there is no Catholic marriage; there are marriages of interests. America believed that if Iran halted its nuclear project, it would become like any other country. However, in my opinion, the U.S. administration made a mistake in this assessment. It should also be noted that Iran possesses the characteristics of a major state in terms of preserving and finding interests.
  • You provided a complex diagnosis of the Syrian crisis. What are the outcomes of the crisis? Can the solution be the continuity of Assad?
  • If the issue were between the Syrian people and the regime, it would have ended in two weeks. The problem is that the crisis has turned into a conflict of interests between major countries. The conflict of interests and the regime’s inclination towards killing and massacres produced extremism.

There was no extremism in Syria when I defected from the regime in 2005. There was no revolution or extremism. I sent messages to several Arab leaders describing the Syrian situation and told them that the situation would explode, and a bloody conflict would occur in Syria. If they did not act to save the country, it would become a haven for extremism in the Arab and Islamic world. Unfortunately, things escalated, and no one took action.

On this basis, there is a significant responsibility for the international and Arab system. It is strange to hear American politicians talk about fighting extremism without combating its source and origin. Bashar killed hundreds of thousands and displaced millions. This major extremist is the one who created “ISIS” and all terrorist and extremist movements. If it weren’t for the killings and massacres by the Assad regime, there would not have been a revolution, and it would not have escalated to an armed conflict. Syrians were pushed to take up arms to defend themselves, especially after the massacres, while the international community and the Arab system, in particular, stood by watching.

  • The Arab uprisings toppled dictatorships. How do we understand the rapid resignations of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and Mubarak, followed by the killing of Gaddafi, while Assad remains in power? Why is there an exception?
  • Because Assad is not the decision-maker; the decision-makers are Iran and, subsequently, Russia.
  • Does this mean that Ben Ali, Mubarak, Gaddafi, and Saleh did not have allies abroad to defend them?
  • Ali Abdullah Saleh does not have allies abroad. Mubarak was a politician who understood the situation. He wanted his resignation to spare Egypt from bloodshed and pay the price. The revolution began in Egypt, and the situation was tense. The people were living in poverty, while a class owned everything. The people only had hunger. At that moment, Mubarak realized that the situation had surpassed him, and if he used the army, a lot of blood would be shed. That’s why he avoided it, got arrested, and faced trial. You can see him in court as if he’s not imprisoned because there comes a moment when a person’s conscience awakens. Mubarak knew he was being held accountable for things that were not supposed to happen.

As for Ben Ali, he was an intelligence man who rose to the position of prime minister and executed a coup, taking control. His intelligence informed him of everything. He anticipated, boarded the plane, and fled the country. He was the decision-maker, and that’s the difference between them and Assad, who is not the decision-maker but rather Iran, and to some extent, Russia.

  • Regarding the Arab regimes’ response to the Syrian crisis, do you see them as passive or traitorous?
  • There are phrases whose use is not helpful. We must say that there is negligence, not conspiracy. I don’t believe that any Arab state would be happy to see the abundance of Syrian blood.
  • Many interpretations suggest there is a plan to target Algeria, as previously happened with Iraq and Syria. Do you agree?
  • Unfortunately, revolutions occurred in countries that were considered revolutionary. Every official in any country who participated in his country’s system should evaluate his participation and present to the people where he went wrong and where he succeeded.
  • You visited Saudi Arabia twice. What did you achieve from it?
  • Yes, I visited the Kingdom by invitation and explained the Syrian situation, and I returned satisfied.
  • It is said that you received financial support from Saudi Arabia. Was it for a national project or a personal gift?
  • I did not go to ask for money but sought support for the Syrians. It is not my responsibility to bring money and weapons and redistribute them.
  • Among the facets of the Syrian crisis is the refugee crisis. For instance, Turkey has accommodated 2 million refugees. Do you think its actions are a political investment, considering it establishes a base for the Muslim Brotherhood, or is it for humanitarian reasons?
  • It is unfair to doubt Turkey. Turkey has provided a service to Syrians that no other country has offered. Erdogan has shown foresight, and what he has done will not be forgotten by the Syrian people. Erdogan knows that the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria is very weak, so what would he gain from them? Why strip this man of his religious, moral, and humanitarian tendencies?
  • You say that Turkey provided services to Syria, but it contributed to its destruction by facilitating the entry of fighters?
  • Does that mean Turkey committed a crime by facilitating the entry of fighters? They came to Syria to defend their people.
  • What about thousands of foreigners from various nationalities?
  • Firstly, there are no Americans or British; there are some individuals from the West who are Muslims and joined ISIS and other organizations, and they are not significant.
  • Europe reluctantly opened its doors to Syrians. Do you think this step is a moral awakening?
  • Everyone who does something commendable, it is derogatory to call it a moral awakening. Why strip people of their consciences? Let’s ask the other parties: Where are your consciences in what is happening?
  • You previously said that you were part of the regime and ready for accountability. Are you still standing by that position?
  • Yes, I was part of the Syrian regime, that’s true, and I was a key part as well. I am subject to accountability by international courts and the courts of any Arab state.
  • Without the jurisdiction of your country?
  • There is no internal jurisdiction; the judge is not the one making decisions. Security makes the decisions. There is no state in Syria.
  • You say that you were part of the regime, and you describe this regime as dictatorial, murderous, and criminal. Does that mean you contributed to the state it reached?
  • I was an essential part of the regime, responsible for foreign policy. I had no involvement in domestic politics. Internal decisions were made by the president and sometimes by committees personally formed by him. Syrians were proud of their country’s foreign policy.
  • Are you comfortable with what you did for your country?
  • Yes, I am comfortable, but events are not discussed until after twenty years. They should be discussed during the events. There are events that seem right at the time, but after two or three decades, your concepts change, and you understand them differently.
  • What do you say about these names? Hafez al-Assad?
  • A dictator, a dictator, in every sense of the word.
  • Bashar al-Assad?
  • A foolish dictator. His father covered domestic politics with foreign positions.
  • Khamenei?
  • An intelligent man who served Iran, but the stance on Syria was not what the Syrians hoped for.
  • Nasrallah?
  • He started his life as a fighter and ended up doing what Iran entrusted him with. He is an Iranian representative in Lebanon, not a Lebanese leader. Nasrallah represents Iran in Lebanon.
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