1 – What do the Syrian leaders want? In other words, where are the Syrian leaders leading the Syrian people?
In Syria, there are no leaders managing the country’s affairs; rather, there is a ruling clique that has disrupted constitutional institutions, bypassed the laws, used oppressive means against citizens, spread corruption in the country, instilled fear in Syrian citizens, and monopolized decision-making. They have placed Syria in a dangerous position, causing severe economic crises that have led to widespread poverty, unemployment, a weakening of state resources, and a halt in economic growth. In other words, they are a ruling clique gambling with the country’s interests, governed by narrow interests, characterized by ignorance, foolishness, and impulsivity. They are ignorant of the country’s reality as well as regional and international realities, and darkness and ignorance control their minds and practices.
This ruling clique constantly seeks to hoard wealth in its hands and maintain control over the country through repressive apparatuses under a state of emergency. Consequently, they have caused significant damage to the country, manifested in its weakened state and its overall backwardness in various aspects of life. Through their policies and practices, they attempt to extinguish the vitality of the Syrian people and hinder their ability to rise, not only through oppression and corruption but also by weakening national unity.
2 – Do Farouk al-Sharaa’s statements reflect the pulse of the Syrian street?
Farouk al-Sharaa’s statements are part of a policy pursued by the ruling clique aimed at severing Syrian ties with the Arab system and strengthening its connection to Iran’s regional strategy.
Farouk al-Sharaa speaks on behalf of his master, and you can observe that the campaign began with statements by Bashar al-Assad against Arab leaders and continued with a concentrated focus on Saudi Arabia through multiple statements by al-Sharaa and others, as well as through Syrian media and Syrian intelligence agents in Lebanon.
The focus on Saudi Arabia is related to Iran’s regional strategy and the role of the Syrian regime in this strategy. The campaign against Saudi Arabia and its leaders, due to its Arab and international standing and the resources it possesses, represents a major obstacle to Iranian interests in the region, whether in the Arab Gulf, Iraq, Palestine, or Lebanon.
After becoming entangled in extending the presidential term, the issuance of Resolution 1559, the assassination of Prime Minister Hariri and several Lebanese leaders, the withdrawal of Syrian forces from Lebanon, and the establishment of the International Investigation Commission, Bashar al-Assad found himself facing international and Arab accountability. His biggest mistake was linking Syria to Iran’s regional strategy, hoping that this would serve as a guarantee for him by using Hezbollah to escalate the situation in Lebanon and push it toward an explosion. At that point, Bashar al-Assad imagined that he would transition from being an accused party to a partner in resolving regional issues, and the issue of the International Court would be closed.
The connection to Iran’s strategy has been a significant gain for Iran, as it helped strengthen its military and political base in Lebanon, extend its influence into the Palestinian arena, and facilitate its control over a large portion of Iraq. In the end, all of this is at the expense of Syrian and Arab interests.
Farouk al-Sharaa’s statements are condemned by the Syrian people, who have historical and close ties with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. All Syrians are aware of the magnitude of the support and assistance that Saudi Arabia has provided to Syria since the era of the late King Abdulaziz. They also know the extent of the political and economic aid that the Kingdom has offered to Syria over the past three decades. The Syrian people, in their authenticity and values, categorically reject these suspicious campaigns against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which serve those who plot against the Arab nation.
3- What is the secret behind the current campaign led by Syrian officials against Saudi Arabia?
As mentioned earlier, Bashar al-Assad has committed a series of major mistakes, one of which is linking Syria to Iran’s strategic interests. This has raised fears and concerns among Syrians that Syria might become a battleground in the regional conflict with Iran being a party to it. In the context of that strategy, Bashar al-Assad has launched successive campaigns against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
4- How do you see the future of Syria under its current rulers?
The Syrian people face two scenarios. The first is to rid themselves of the ruling clique and build a state of law and institutions where citizens are equal in rights and responsibilities, regardless of religion, sect, ethnicity, or gender. In this scenario, Syria would regain its role and status in both the Arab and international arenas, and it would continue on a path of progress and advancement.
The second scenario, under the continued rule of this regime, would see the Syrian people’s suffering increase, poverty escalate, unemployment spread, economic crises intensify, corruption corrode the state, and repression persist. The danger lies in the growth of extremism in response to the regime’s extremism, which could turn Syria into another Iraq. In short, the continuation of the regime means the loss of Syria.
5- What role should the Syrian civil society play in steering the course of the politicians in power?
The ruling authority in Syria is not amenable to correction due to its dictatorial nature, which generates behavior that contradicts the interests of the Syrian people. There is no solution with this regime, and the task of the Syrians is to strengthen national unity, solidarity, overcome fear, and focus efforts on achieving change.
6- The case of the opposition figure Riad Seif has been raised at the highest levels, requesting permission for him to travel abroad for cancer treatment. Has Syria truly become a large prison for its own citizens?
Syria has been transformed into a prison for decades under a state of emergency and the use of repression, where even voicing a call for reform can result in years of imprisonment. Syrians feel that they do not live in a country governed by the rule of law, but rather under a system that employs suppression and curtails freedoms. The prevention of Mr. Riad Seif, a Syrian opposition figure, reveals the nature of this regime and its disregard for basic human rights.
7- Returning to the internal situation in Syria, do you see a solution in the horizon for your return to Syria, and what steps have you initiated, given that you are leading a reform movement with this goal in mind?
Change in Syria is inevitable, and the people who suffer from repression and persecution under a policy of discrimination, exclusion, and isolation, while being deprived of their livelihood and job opportunities, will not tolerate this regime.
The National Salvation Front, which includes various opposition currents and political figures, has developed its program to achieve change and is working to provide the conditions for its success.
The Front has taken serious steps in its work, including mobilizing Syrians in preparation for a day when Syrians will rise, God willing, to overthrow the tyranny.
8- Some individuals associated with the Syrian regime, especially in Lebanon, seek to tarnish your image when you were in charge of the Lebanese file during Syrian hegemony. Did you really contribute to the current situation in Lebanon?
I left the Lebanese file in 1998 after President Lahoud was elected in Lebanon, and the responsibility for this file shifted to Bashar al-Assad. The handling of Lebanon shifted from political to security-oriented under his leadership. I do not deny that there were mistakes made by state security agencies or by some Syrian officers over whom I had no authority. The committee responsible for the Lebanese file reported directly to President Hafez al-Assad, who held the decision-making power.
In any case, I am prepared to engage in discussions with any Lebanese, Syrian, Arab, or international party regarding the situation in Lebanon from the time Syrian forces entered until I left the Lebanese file.
What has exacerbated the situation in Lebanon and made it more complex is the security-oriented approach to dealing with the Lebanese people, the narrow and self-serving interests of Bashar al-Assad and his aides, as well as their ignorance of the situation in Lebanon and how to interact with the Lebanese. Political relations with Lebanese institutions have transformed into security relationships, led by the head of the surveillance branch in Lebanon.
Lack of knowledge about Lebanon’s history and its social and political makeup played a significant role in relying on security measures instead of political engagement, which should have respected Lebanese political institutions, upheld Lebanon’s independence and sovereignty, and refrained from interfering in the daily affairs of the Lebanese people.
9- What is the current status of the International Court for the trial of the killers of President Rafik Hariri? Do you have any information about it summoning some Syrian officials for questioning?
The International Court has become a reality, and I believe the investigation is nearing its conclusion. It is certain that all those involved in the commission of the assassination crimes will face punishment regardless of their positions. The progress made in the investigation points to the emotional reactions of Bashar al-Assad and his associates, and the situation in Lebanon pushing towards an explosion.
10- Some accuse you in Syria of being behind the international campaign, especially in Europe and America, to tighten the blockade on Syria. Is there indeed an impending blockade against Syria?
It is essential to distinguish between Syria as a nation and its people and the despotic regime. The Syrian opposition has called and continues to call on the Arab and international communities to help the Syrian people free themselves from the oppressive regime. The opposition does not have information about an imminent or distant blockade, and in any case, it rejects measures that affect the Syrian people.
In reality, the regime, through its repression and actions, imposes a blockade on the Syrian people. Syrians suffer the most from this blockade, whether they are individuals or groups. The regime bears responsibility for imposing a blockade on Syria on one hand, and on the other hand, for isolating Syria both regionally and internationally.
11- Based on your experience with Lebanese affairs, do you believe there will be a constitutional vacuum on September 25th? What are the solutions in your view? And given your proximity to decision-makers in Europe, do you see the possibility of presidential elections in Lebanon, or is the country heading towards disaster?
It is in Lebanon’s interest to hold presidential elections on time, followed by the formation of a national unity government that can address the complex situations created by Bashar al-Assad’s actions in Lebanon.
I believe that if Lebanese national interests prevail among all Lebanese parties, things will naturally progress, and presidential elections will take place, followed by the formation of a national unity government.
If the Syrian regime is concerned about the International Court, it may work to obstruct the elections and push its allies to escalate the security situation, hoping to transform from being accused to being a participant in resolving Lebanon’s problems and regional issues while ensuring the obstruction of the International Court and the continuity of its regime.
The international community and Arab countries are determined to support the conduct of presidential elections, but the question is whether the Syrian regime will comply with these directives. What will happen if it does not comply, and will Iran continue to pressure Hezbollah to respond to Bashar al-Assad’s demands?
Failure to hold the elections would have serious consequences, not only for Lebanon but for the entire region, and it could become a gateway to major explosions in the region.
12- In the event that presidential elections do not take place, what is the future fate of Lebanon?
- Two governments?
- Civil war?
- The army seizing control of political decisions?
As I mentioned earlier, the question is not about what will happen in Lebanon but rather what will happen in the region. The Lebanese problem has become a regional and international issue that is negatively or positively linked to the security and stability of the entire region.
Regarding the possibility of the army taking control of Lebanon, I have doubts due to the complexities of the sectarian and political situation in Lebanon. It is in Lebanon’s best interest for the army to remain uninvolved in political matters, especially given that the sectarian and political situation would likely affect the army if it were to intervene. Additionally, the current composition and capabilities of the army are not sufficient for it to establish control over all Lebanese territories, especially considering that some factions possess military capabilities that exceed the army’s capabilities.
