In this region of the world, where politicians are always tied to high positions, unless the judiciary and fate intervene to resolve the clash between the “throne” and the popular desire for change, the price that politicians often pay due to this ancient dilemma remains, either through exclusion, marginalization, or “death.” Few of them succeed in escaping their fate, and only a few can hold onto their positions before drowning in the Arab Spring revolutions, crying out, “O son, ride with us.” Today, no ruler can defy the will of the people, and your path is safe today, in the name of the rebellious people alone, not through the plan of an international envoy like Kofi Annan or Lakhdar Brahimi. The final veto will only lead to further destruction. Life does not allow the division between rulers and peoples. The latter always emerges victorious.
In this region of the world, specifically in the Middle East, as some writers have said: “Politicians leave their positions and exit history, and perhaps even life itself. They realize that when they bid farewell to power, they bid farewell to their personal security, and what remains of their lives becomes subject to pursuit… a bullet, a calculated suicide, or a targeted assassination against an unknown perpetrator… This is how they live like the dead in the days after authority… So, if any of them still have the ability to resist or hope for a return, they try to snatch a piece of history that their opponents will not write.” In her famous book, “Frogs and Scorpions,” the American journalist Dorin Kaiz tells the story of the scorpion that tried to cross the Jordan River and deceived the frog that believed its tricks and trusted it with its life. When the scorpion reached the other shore, it stung the frog. The frog remembered that the scorpion couldn’t help but inject venom by its very nature, so it uttered its famous words: “This is the state of the Middle East, my dear.”
What if the situation is like this in Syria, where the killer becomes a fighter, the tyrant portrays himself as a popular hero, the dictator dons the robes of freedom and democracy, and the appeaser talks about resistance and defiance and other things that their actions haven’t brought forth, even if their tongues and mouths utter them? Their lies are believed by their followers, their executioners, and their supporters of falsehoods. Sorry for this introduction, which I have used to bypass a professional introduction that summarizes the essence of the dialogue and suits the guest’s stature and status, because the crimes happening in Syria are so horrifying that words fail to describe them. It becomes necessary for someone to abandon their neutrality at least once. I confess that fate suddenly put me in front of Abdul Halim Khaddam, the former Vice President of Syria, and one of those who chose to “exit safely” early, seven years before the popular revolution in his country against President Bashar al-Assad’s regime. Perhaps he realized, after spending nearly half a century of his life alongside the political system in his country, with both Hafez al-Assad and his son Bashar, that the future, as a South African poet once said, is “black” indeed, especially under continued association with the Bashar regime.
Abdul Halim Khaddam, or Abu Jamal as I used to call him, admits that the major problem in the Arab system is that “the fear of power is stronger than the fear for the nation, and the concern for the regime’s security is stronger than the concern for the people’s fate.” He is one of the most well-known to have held the position of “Vice President” in the Arab region, a position he effectively monopolized in “Assad’s Syria,” both father and son. It is true that I have been seeking an interview with him for over a month, until it suddenly happened in coordination with one of the leaders of the Free Syrian Army, specifically his director of relations, Ahmed al-Ashqar. Mr. Khaddam generously arranged the tripartite meeting through Cairo, Brussels, and Paris. I interviewed him for over an hour on Friday afternoon, not wasting the opportunity. This interview was full of surprises.
Why the silence? First, Mr. Khaddam, considering that you were closely associated with the regime for many years, what is your assessment of the situation in Syria?
The situation in Syria is extremely dangerous. The people face daily massacres in all cities and rural areas of the country. As days go by, houses and neighborhoods are destroyed, and martyrs and casualties accumulate. Despite this tragic scene, we find that the international community and Arab governments stand by hesitantly, remaining silent and allowing Bashar al-Assad, the butcher, to commit further killings and destruction.
I believe that if even a tenth of these massacres occurred in any other country in the world, the United Nations would have acted effectively. In Libya, the Arab League intervened within days. Now, Syrians wonder: why this silence? Why do Arab and foreign governments content themselves with being mere spectators to these events?
Let me go back to the past for a moment and ask you: How do you see the composition of the regime in Syria?
The regime in Syria is centered around the country’s president. He is the sole decision-maker, legislator, and the one who commands and forbids. The regime is all-encompassing, “rotten like no other in the world,” and all similar regimes have fallen, except for a few that consider the Syrian regime one of their own.
An awkward question: Mr. Khaddam, if you acknowledge that the regime is all-encompassing and corrupt, as you say, why did your defection take so long? Did you realize it late?
My defection is not new; it happened in December 2005. Syria did not witness such crimes before. I cannot deny that there was repression, and I was responsible for foreign policy in the country. I heard different viewpoints about domestic policy, and indeed, I spoke in party leadership meetings while I did not have the power to make changes. When the regime falls and files are opened, everyone will know that there was not a single meeting where I did not express comments and observations about the domestic situation.
No opposition at all. Sorry, Mr. Khaddam, were all those oppositions merely cosmetic or timid?
No, they were not cosmetic or timid. However, I knew the nature of the regime on one hand and the complete situation in Syria on the other. The people were silenced. How could I defect while knowing my fate would either be death or prison until death? I realized that due to security conditions, no one would be able to come out to defend me or stand with me. Therefore, I decided not to present the matter internationally as opposition, but within party institutions. This was the situation; it was not a cosmetic opposition, because there was no opposition in the country. It emerged after the revolution.
The Arab and Gulf stance. Considering all your responsibilities, how do you now view the Arab and international stance?
Throughout my political history, it is known that I did not flatter or pretend. All my colleagues who were with me during my time in power know this. When we meet, we open files with complete transparency and clarity. I criticized, and my criticism was sometimes harsh. The Arab stance was not at all consistent with the nature of the relations between Syria and Arab governments. The relations were always friendly, and Syria stood by its Arab brothers in all times of trouble. When this crisis happened, everyone should realize that the Syrian people are not facing only Bashar al-Assad’s regime but also an alliance with Iran, with its evolving weapons, money, intelligence, experts, and Russia on the other side.
Ambitions of Iran – What do you mean by the Iran Alliance?
Everyone should know that Iran has major objectives, which include controlling the region from the Mediterranean Sea to the borders of Pakistan. Its ambition is to dominate the region, including the Arabian Peninsula. Iran has also fueled sectarian tensions among some Shia Muslims who have shifted their allegiance from their homelands to loyalty to Iran and from the Najaf religious authority to the Qom religious authority. Iran has managed to establish sleeper cells throughout the region, including Syria, which faces this threat. If the Syrian revolution is defeated or suppressed, Iran will become the dominant power in the region, and our Arab brothers will realize that this state aims to regain its imperial history from thousands of years ago. This will be a catastrophe for everyone. I wonder: why do you reject military intervention to save the Syrian people while Iran and Russia intervene militarily to support the criminal regime? Why isn’t the Syrian people provided with effective weapons to weaken the regime’s forces and dismantle them? I understand that they receive some minimal aid, which might be important, but it’s insufficient given the magnitude of the ongoing conflict and the bloodshed occurring daily.
The Fate of the Region – What about the Arab stance, specifically Saudi Arabia?
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia took a strong stance against the criminal regime from the beginning, and this is something Syrians always remember about the Kingdom. However, our Arab brethren should look beyond their individual considerations. They should ask themselves a question: what will be the fate of the entire region, from Mauritania to Yemen, if Iran succeeds in protecting the bloody regime in Syria?
The Big Question – What do you specifically mean?
Allow me to clarify that Iran’s ambitions are not limited to Gulf countries alone. Iran has sleeper cells in Egypt, the Arab Maghreb, and every Arab country. Since the Khomeini revolution, Iran has not only fueled sectarianism but has also adopted the Palestinian cause, using slogans that surpass those of Palestinian forces. Iran aims to position itself as the champion of correct Islamic positions, and it established Hezbollah, not necessarily for the liberation of southern Lebanon and Palestine. Today, Hezbollah governs Lebanon and represents Iranian authority there. Iran now controls Lebanon, Syria, a large portion of Palestine, and Iraq. What comes next? This is the significant question that every Arab asks themselves. Syria is currently struggling for its survival, and the Syrian people should remain Arab and committed to Arab causes, rather than being a strategic base for Iran’s control in the region.
Opposition vs. Revolutionaries – You once said, “The opposition is one thing, and the revolutionaries are another.” You highlighted that revolutionaries are those who fight valiantly against the regime, while the opposition is made up of individuals abroad. However, you, as a prominent Syrian opposition figure, explain this contradiction.
The political opposition to the regime emerged very weakly after Hafez al-Assad’s death. When the revolution erupted, various groups formed under the banner of supporting the revolution. For those advocating and safeguarding the revolution, efforts should be united under a common goal: toppling the regime and enabling the Syrian people to determine their own destiny. Many formations that emerged reject military intervention. When I proposed the idea of military intervention, I was attacked. I responded by questioning whether Iran and Russia’s involvement in our affairs and their support for Assad with weapons were not considered foreign military intervention. My question is: did any foreign soldiers remain after Muammar Gaddafi’s fall? The regime will inevitably fall, but the difference lies in whether it falls with the sacrifice of a few thousand Syrians or with the deaths of hundreds of thousands. The Syrian revolution requires significant assistance, military intervention, and aid. If the reliance on the current situation continues, the regime will bleed, and the revolutionaries will fight valiantly, but this will require a considerable amount of time and result in the complete destruction of the country. The price that Syrians are paying now is high, not just for their freedom but also for the freedom, dignity, and security of the entire Arab region.
Your Contributions – I apologize, but I notice that you are holding Iran accountable, despite the fact that you were personally involved in engineering the Syrian-Iranian alliance. In your book “The Syrian-Iranian Alliance and the Region,” you provided significant insights into this alliance. How were you an architect of this alliance, and how do you perceive your own contributions now?
On the contrary, I appreciate your candidness and your reading of the situation. I hope everyone asks clear questions like this. Let me clarify: the relationship with Iran went through two phases. The first was an alliance, while the second became subservience. I was one of the prominent officials during the alliance phase, which had three goals: countering Saddam Hussein’s regime, opposing the policies of Israel and the United States in the region, as detailed in the book. After Bashar came to power and Rafik Hariri’s assassination, blame was directed towards Bashar al-Assad, and there was an international campaign against him. Additionally, there was Arab anger due to this crime. What did Bashar al-Assad do? He turned to Iran, aligning himself with the Iranian camp. This changed the nature of the relationship, transitioning from an alliance to a state of subservience. This occurred in 2005, the year Rafik Hariri was killed. It was in this year that I publicly announced my defection. It wasn’t solely due to Hariri’s assassination, which was a crime Syria’s regime was involved in. However, it was also the regime’s crimes, oppression, and actions inside and outside Syria that led me to defect.
Assad Killed Hariri – Is your statement about Bashar al-Assad’s involvement in Hariri’s assassination an implication or a direct accusation?
I am not a judge to make a positive or negative judgment. However…
I apologize… but as a former vice president and a witness to a critical historical period?
I am speaking as a witness and as an official. Before Hariri’s assassination, there was an intense campaign against him by individuals linked to the Syrian regime. There was an extensive media campaign and unreasonable threats. During meetings in the Qatari leadership before Hariri’s assassination, Bashar Assad raised a subject that wasn’t on the agenda. He claimed that Hariri was involved with the Americans, French, and Israelis against Syria. He accused Hariri of dividing his sect, being an enemy, and that the man should be dealt with. This conversation took place a week or three weeks before Hariri’s assassination. Despite this, Hariri didn’t leave, and he transitioned to the afterlife. This leaves us with doubts and suspicions. There was an extensive media campaign, accusing Hariri of working for America, Israel, and France, followed by numerous threats and then Bashar al-Assad’s statements about him during party meetings. These factors strongly suggest that Bashar al-Assad was the true assassin of Hariri. There is hardly anyone in the Arab world who doesn’t believe that Bashar al-Assad was responsible for Hariri’s murder.
“We have no concern about other political assassinations in Lebanon and Syria that took place during that period.
I was responsible for the political file in Lebanon, along with General Hikmat Al-Shihabi, Chief of Staff of the Army, and we were assisted by Brigadier General Ghazi Kan’an. We were responsible for managing the political file, while the security file had no connection to us at all. It was under the direct responsibility of the head of the Military Intelligence Branch in Lebanon, who had a direct relationship with Bashar. Therefore, I cannot deny or accuse anyone.
The Hezbollah party is an Iranian party with a Lebanese identity and an Iranian ideological reference. Therefore, everything it does is linked to Iran’s strategy in the region, and its actions cannot be far from Iranian decisions.
I couldn’t, considering you are the oldest and highest-ranking defector from the Syrian regime, why weren’t you able to establish a political opposition front inside or outside Syria? The situation in Syria is very dangerous; the people are subjected to daily massacres in all cities and rural areas of the country. With this tragic scene, we find that the international community and Arab regimes stand hesitant and silent, allowing Bashar al-Assad the opportunity for more killing and destruction.
A group of fools… In many discussions with various factions of the Syrian opposition, some individuals asked why they didn’t form a unified front with you. They honestly said that you are part of the Assad regime. How do you respond to them?
First, these individuals have no connection to the revolution; they are a group of fools. If you were part of the regime, why did you defect from it? Why the harsh campaign launched by the regime? I spent seven years in exile away from my family and normal life. These individuals have no real connection to Syria. They only wanted to exploit the events and shift the blame not onto the regime but onto those who understand the nature of the regime and how to deal with it. In any case, they don’t concern me, and I rely on my connections inside Syria, knowing my position in various fields of political or military work. I work quietly without getting distracted by responding to these climbers.
Between two presidents… You witnessed two presidents: Hafez al-Assad and Bashar al-Assad. What’s the difference between them, and now that you are outside the regime and power, what’s your assessment of their regimes?
Let me confess to you that both are essentially the same in nature, both dictators. But the difference is that the father had a mind that didn’t involve itself in crimes like those committed by his son. The father’s involvement was in the Hama massacre and his problem with the Muslim Brotherhood. The son, however, has problems with the entire Syrian people. He plans the killing of Syrians in all cities and provinces, not just one. In the end, both are dictators. Some dictators have enough sense to protect themselves, while others, like Bashar, have lost the ability to think or choose.
Yes to military intervention… Let’s return to domestic affairs. As a major advocate for foreign military intervention similar to NATO’s involvement in Libya, why do you advocate for that? Isn’t the Syrian domestic situation capable of overthrowing Bashar, like the Tunisians did with Ben Ali, Egyptians with Mubarak, and Yemenis with Ali Abdullah Saleh?
The situation is completely different. In Tunisia, the army remained neutral, and Ben Ali left the country and resigned. Similarly, in Egypt, the army didn’t intervene to suppress the revolution. However, this tyrant Bashar immediately resorted to excessive force from the first hour, which ignited the revolution across all Syrian territories.
His time is limited… With the battles moving towards Bashar al-Assad’s strongholds in Damascus, the political capital, and Aleppo, the economic capital, in your opinion, how much longer does Bashar’s regime have?
Practically speaking, the regime’s time is extremely limited. All the factors for its continuity have collapsed. When there’s popular consensus and the blood of the entire people flows because of the regime, it’s impossible for anyone among Syrians to accept Bashar’s continued rule. It’s true that the majority of Arab positions were silent, but I can honestly say that the only country that accurately read the situation in Syria from the start was Saudi Arabia. So they stood with us. Nevertheless, the Arab League meetings had divisions among its ministers, with some siding with Bashar al-Assad. This division played a negative role.
Countries like Saddam Hussein… Algeria, Sudan, Iraq, and many other countries.
Can’t read or write… Historically, I worked with Hafez al-Assad for over 40 years and with Bashar al-Assad for about 5 years. What message do you have for Bashar?
The problem is that Bashar is illiterate. He can neither read nor write, and he’s deaf and blind. So any message sent to him is lost in space. He’s a man devoid of reason and insight. Messages are futile with him.
Do you, for instance, urge him to hand over power? And what scenario do you expect for him?
If he were to meet the fate of Ali Abdullah Saleh, he would be lucky. However, his fate would be worse than Gaddafi’s. Gaddafi killed Libyans, but not thousands. Within a week, NATO intervened and resolved the issue. If Bashar’s luck is good, he might share a similar fate as Gaddafi’s. But let me tell you, there isn’t a single Syrian citizen who doesn’t wish for Bashar’s capture and to make him taste death worse than the crimes he committed against thousands of families in Syria.”
The ship is sinking.. Abu Jamal, there are rumors about the deputy president Farouk Al-Sharaa’s defection. Do you have any information about other defections within Bashar’s inner circle?
According to my information, Farouk Al-Sharaa, while in power, was isolated and withdrawn. I don’t have any information suggesting he has defected or is on the path to defection. In general, the term “defector” doesn’t hold the same significance as it used to, as the regime is in a phase of collapse and downfall. The former Prime Minister Riad Hijab formed the government three months prior to his defection, when Bashar Al-Assad was killing people. He realized that the fate of the regime was sealed, so he organized his affairs and left the regime. There’s a difference between leaving the regime for political and national reasons, and leaving to save oneself before drowning.
Civil war.. Sayyed Khaddam.. There are concerns of Syria sliding into a civil war similar to Iraq’s post-Saddam era. What’s your opinion, especially with the increasing information about Bashar’s efforts to establish an Alawite canton?
My dear, let me ask you: What do you call what’s happening in Syria? Every day hundreds of martyrs are falling, airstrikes are hitting and artillery is firing in all directions, people are being killed everywhere, and thousands are being displaced from their homes. Isn’t this a civil war? What is the composition of the army that is killing? Isn’t the majority of it from a single sect engaged in killings? My friend, what’s happening in Syria is a true civil war.
Chemical weapons.. Considering your proximity to the regime, do you think Assad might resort to using chemical weapons in a final attempt to stay in power, following the logic of “either me or my enemies”?
Believe me, if Bashar believes he can last a month or two without using chemical weapons, the moment he uses them, he’ll be dead on the second day. He understands that. But let me tell you: It’s difficult for anyone to predict the actions of an individual devoid of reason, conscience, and caution. Someone who lacks basic national and humanitarian sentiments, and logical thinking indicates that he understands the consequences of that. It signifies the hastening of his end.
No fear.. There are concerns of a repetition of the Lebanese model after the regime falls – revolutionaries on the ground, traditional weapons, militias, and a state’s disintegration. Hasn’t this crossed your mind?
Frankly, I’m reassured that these things won’t happen in Syria because its people are patriotic. Can anyone claim that a Syrian citizen, whether Alawite or from other sects, was killed or harmed by the revolution or other sects? No. Syrians are eager for unity. Even if the security apparatus is predominantly Alawite, that doesn’t mean the responsibility for Bashar Al-Assad’s crimes lies on the Alawite sect. So, no fear. Syrians are committed to restoring stability.
Collapse of all facades.. What do you think about claims that the collapse of Assad means the collapse of Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas, or what’s known as the Axis of Resistance?
The collapse of Bashar Al-Assad will lead to the collapse of Hezbollah in Lebanon, Iran’s influence in Iraq, and Iran’s involvement in the Palestinian cause. Iran will be forced to focus on its internal problems due to economic challenges. Russia’s involvement with Iran is a political and strategic alignment, both supporting the Syrian regime. Russia wants to be a major player in determining international affairs and recognizes the Middle East’s strategic importance due to its resources, particularly oil. The alliance with Iran is part of this strategy. However, Russia has miscalculated. Assad will fall, Iran will leave, and Russia will leave. Russia has committed a grave mistake by not accurately assessing the ongoing conflicts in the region.
And what about China? Your Excellency, what about China?
China is influenced by Russia, sharing political goals. Chinese ambitions in the Middle East are supported by Russia. It’s natural that China would adopt Russia’s position.
Ibrahim will fail.. How do you view the appointment of Lakhdar Brahimi as a new envoy? Do you believe he will succeed?
I advise Mr. Brahimi to apologize for taking on this task. He won’t achieve what his predecessor, Kofi Annan, failed to achieve. He will go empty-handed to meet Bashar Al-Assad.
No peaceful solution.. Excuse me for interrupting. Does this mean you have lost hope in any peaceful solution?
My dear, there’s no possibility for a peaceful solution. How can there be a peaceful solution between the killer and the killed? Did Western countries like Britain and France negotiate with Hitler when he occupied Austria to convince him to abandon his ambitions? Never. The only solution was military intervention and fighting the Nazi regime. It’s the same in Syria. Bashar won’t leave unless forced. Even if he accepts stepping down, what would you do? Can you change the army’s structure and security leadership? The problem isn’t only Bashar; it’s the entire regime. The regime created a dictatorship and turned into a tool in Bashar Al-Assad’s hands. There’s no solution through political settlement. The Arab League attempted five initiatives for reconciliation, but they all failed. Kofi Annan also had zero results after his speeches. All attempts to give Bashar time and chances only resulted in more killing and destruction.
Severe suffering.. In light of that, Abu Jamal, how do you see Syria’s future?
There’s no doubt that Syria is currently suffering greatly under severe conditions. The regime has destroyed life, security, and the economy. I believe that the Syrians’ patriotism, coupled with the support of their brothers, will help them overcome the crisis and achieve freedom, democracy, progress, and development.
