Former Syrian Vice President Abdel Halim Khaddam believed that the Arab world is undergoing a new phase, driven by the fact that the political, social, and economic systems have failed to align with the needs and aspirations of the people. Especially their desire for freedom, justice, and equality. All of this led to the eruption of youth revolutions in most Arab countries. Arab governments, however, did not take this matter seriously and clung to the current conditions, which are no longer suitable for their people. The real conflict is between the aspirational young generations seeking a prosperous and secure future, and systems that do not align with those aspirations.
In an interview with the Turkish newspaper “Hürriyet,” Khaddam considered this phenomenon as part of the natural course of life. He emphasized that everyone should realize that the current circumstances have come to an end and a new era is emerging. It is essential to support and embrace this era rather than suppress and kill it, as suppressing such aspirations would mean killing the future and plunging into darkness worse than the Middle Ages.
Khaddam pointed out that former Syrian President Hafez al-Assad committed two significant mistakes: monopolizing power and working to pass it on to one of his sons. This contradicted the prevailing national and political values in their society. Over more than 15 years, he meticulously laid the groundwork for this inheritance, arranging the circumstances to make it inevitable, even within the military and party structures.
He recounted an event when he learned about Hafez al-Assad’s death. He was outside of Damascus and returned to find that Dr. Bashar al-Assad was waiting for him at his father’s house. Upon entering, he found Qatari leadership members there, who informed him of Hafez al-Assad’s passing and the Qatari leadership’s decision to nominate Dr. Bashar and amend the constitution. This decision had already been finalized, as the leadership was the center of power and decision-making. Given the circumstances, there was no room for discussion. Indeed, the constitution was amended, and other procedures were carried out.
Khaddam explained that his knowledge of Dr. Bashar al-Assad was limited, but he was eager to assist him in the hope that he would make serious decisions towards political, economic, administrative, and judicial reforms, as well as combating the deeply rooted corruption within the state. He presented a series of reform projects aimed at overhauling the political and economic systems, state institutions, and the judiciary, all of which were approved by the Qatari leadership. Unfortunately, despite their approval, Dr. Bashar consistently evaded their implementation. His approach mirrored his father’s, a policy that deprived Syrians of their fundamental rights guaranteed by both the constitution and international human rights law. Calls for reform during party conferences and leadership meetings were met with security apparatuses launching campaigns to tarnish his reputation.
After years of experience, Khaddam realized that Bashar al-Assad was not genuinely committed to implementing serious reforms. The situation worsened, especially with the rise of corruption within the state and society, coupled with increased suppression of citizens’ freedoms by security agencies. As a result, he decided to announce his departure from the regime during a party conference. This announcement took place on June 5, 2005, and he resigned from his leadership positions within the party and authority, citing significant mistakes in foreign policy and concerning issues with domestic policy.
After leaving Syria in 2005, he initiated contacts with various opposition factions, including the Muslim Brotherhood. Together, they established the National Salvation Front and adopted a program aimed at achieving peaceful regime change and building a democratic, civil state where citizens’ rights and duties are equal regardless of religion, sect, gender, or ethnicity. Although they took positive steps, opposition forces faced difficulties that prevented them from achieving their goals during that period. Their aim was not to establish a government in exile but to prepare for the formation of a transitional government when the collapse of the regime began.
Khaddam affirmed that the demonstrations calling for freedom, justice, and dignity were an expression of the urgent needs of the suppressed Syrian people under a single-color security apparatus, led by a president who grew up in a household that valued nothing but seizing power. The security apparatuses were used to protect the regime.
He saw Syrian youth as expressing a historical need for change, moving away from a system that imprisoned the country, stifled political life, confiscated freedoms, and spread poverty. All these conditions created an inspiring environment for Syrian youth to seek change and build a new secure future.
He stressed that Syrian youth have successfully launched the march for change. It is the right of the older generation to support and assist them rather than obstructing the construction of the new Syria. The new Syria is their future, and they have the right to lead it. The role of the older generation, whether within the Syrian opposition or outside of it, is to support these young people. In life, generations do not replace each other; our generation has become a part of Syria’s history, while the youth are the present and future of Syria.
In his view, the Syrian regime deceives itself and tries to deceive others. All the judicial and administrative bodies in Syria are connected to security circles. They receive directives on how to act and how members of the People’s Council should vote. The same directives are issued to the judiciary and civil apparatuses. The aim of the accusations against him was an attempt to tarnish his reputation and to force them to label the foreign state that contacted him. Consequently, this verdict is worth less than a cigarette butt.
He considered that the protests demanding freedom, justice, and dignity were an expression of the urgent needs of the suppressed Syrian people living under a single-colored security apparatus, ruled by a president who grew up in a household where he learned nothing other than power-grabbing. The security apparatuses were used to protect the regime.
He saw that the youth of Syria expressed a historical need for change and a transition from a system that imprisoned the nation, destroyed political life, seized freedoms, spread poverty, and pushed the standard of living downwards. All of this created an inspiring atmosphere for Syrian youth to achieve change and build a new, secure future.
He emphasized that he can clearly say that Syrian youth succeeded in launching the march of change, and it is the duty of the older generation to support and assist them, not to hinder the building of the new Syria. The new Syria belongs to them, and they have the right to lead this future. Therefore, the role of the older generation, from his perspective and in all spectrums of the Syrian opposition, whether within or outside it, is to support these young people. One of the truths of life is that a generation doesn’t replace another; our generation has become part of Syria’s history, while the youth represent the present and the future of Syria.
He believed that the Syrian regime is skilled in self-deception and attempts to deceive people. As it’s widely known, all judicial and administrative bodies in Syria are subordinated to the security apparatus. They receive instructions on how to act, including how members of the People’s Council should vote. These instructions extend to the judiciary and civilian entities. The purpose of the accusations against him was an effort to tarnish his reputation and to force him to identify the foreign state he had been in contact with. Consequently, this verdict is not worth more than a cigarette butt.
He saw that the protests demanding freedom, justice, and dignity are an expression of the urgent needs of the suppressed Syrian people living under a single-colored security apparatus, governed by a president who grew up in a household where he learned nothing other than how to seize power. The security apparatuses were used to protect the regime.
He believed that Syrian youth are expressing a historical need for change, transitioning from a system that imprisoned the nation, destroyed political life, seized freedoms, spread poverty, and lowered the standard of living. All of this has created an inspiring environment for Syrian youth to achieve change and build a new, secure future.
He stressed that he can state clearly that Syrian youth have succeeded in launching the march for change, and it is the duty of the older generation to support and assist them, rather than obstructing the building of the new Syria. The new Syria belongs to them, and they have the right to lead this future. Therefore, the role of the older generation, from his perspective and across all spectrums of the Syrian opposition, whether within it or outside of it, is to support these young people. One of the truths of life is that a generation doesn’t replace another; our generation has become part of Syria’s history, while the youth represent the present and the future of Syria.
He pointed out that “the current situation in Syria is extremely dire, and every day the anger against this regime and its committed crimes, killings, and massacres intensifies. All of this confirms that the Syrian people are determined to achieve change, and the notion of reform is corrupt and unsuitable because the nature of the dictatorial regime can only produce tyranny and corruption. The despotic regime cannot ignite the flame of freedom or return power to its main source, which is the people. The Syrian people will not rest until the change is achieved, leading to a new constitution that abolishes the presidential system and establishes a parliamentary system that ensures the executive authority stems from the people and that it’s monitored and held accountable through constitutional and legislative institutions.”
He further considered that “the practices of bloody violence carried out by death squads led by Maher al-Assad, the brother of Bashar al-Assad, and Colonel Hafez Makhlouf, his cousin, along with elements from the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and members of Hezbollah, isolate and alienate the regime further, solidifying Bashar al-Assad and his group’s isolation from the people.”
He stated that “the Syrian people are a religious people, including both Muslims and Christians. However, they are not an extremist people. It is natural for individuals in crisis, who feel their lives, futures, and security are threatened, to turn to God and seek His help and victory. Does this mean that anyone who believes in God is an extremist? This is an untrue and illogical claim.”
He affirmed that “the Syrians want freedom – the freedom to choose, believe, express, and engage in political activities. Does this mean that advocates for change are extremists? Let me say it clearly: those who pose a threat to Syria are those who have fomented sectarian tension through their actions and treatment of the Syrian people. They bear the responsibility for the suffering of the Syrian people. The Syrians’ goal is to build a democratic, civil state that guarantees equal rights and duties for all Syrians, regardless of religion, sect, gender, or ethnicity.”
He added: “The regime has released a few hundred detainees, but it has arrested thousands. The images published in the media show the horrifying scale of torture endured by the detainees, including children and young boys. As I mentioned before, the regime is not reformable. Issuing a decree to reinstate veiled female teachers in education, who were previously expelled by another decree, or responding to requests from certain religious figures who use power and don’t follow the teachings of the Prophet, peace be upon him, in his noble Hadith (Silence over the truth is Satanic silence) – are these actions meaningful?”
He continued: “These silent sheikhs are not the ones representing public opinion. Their decisions are not a solution or part of the solution. The solution lies in changing the regime, abolishing the presidential system as I mentioned before, holding those responsible for repression and despotism accountable. Additionally, the people have lost their trust in the head of the regime and the entire regime. Bashar al-Assad has ruled for ten years and has intensified repression, persecution, and unilateral authority. How can anyone imagine that such a regime is capable of implementing reforms that would return power to the people?”
He observed that “the youth of Syria come from various segments of society, but they are all in agreement about change. The problem is that the regime itself, through its repression, serves the process of change. This repression and bloodshed will only lead to change. It’s not the peaceful protesters who used their will, ideas, and voices, who used force, and who only wanted their demands met. They were confronted with bullets and hundreds were killed. Can they be held responsible for violence? In any case, it’s this violence practiced by the authorities that will achieve change.”
He noted that “Sunni Muslims in Syria constitute the overwhelming majority of the population. They have never been extremists, but have always been eager for national unity. An example of this is the first elected president of the Syrian Parliament in 1943, Mr. Fares al-Khoury, who is from the Christian minority. He also held the prime minister’s position multiple times. Additionally, after Hafez al-Assad took power in 1970, he toured the Syrian provinces and was received with unprecedented warmth. When the presidential election was held, the vast majority of Syrians supported him. This overwhelming majority knows that he belongs to the Alawite sect. I mention this to highlight that the current regime, which has practiced policies of isolation, exclusion, and discrimination, excluding the overwhelming majority from participating in security and military institutions, has produced sectarian tensions in the country. Therefore, Sunni Muslims in Syria do not call for animosity towards other Islamic or Christian sects. They are committed to national unity, which is a top priority for most Syrians.”
He said, “Bashar al-Assad is spreading among the Alawite community that change will lead to the elimination of the sect. This is to frighten and rally the sect’s support against the youth revolution. This matter is left to the sensible individuals within the Alawite community – politicians, religious figures, and intellectuals – to appreciate the danger of the bloody approach followed by Bashar al-Assad and its danger to the nation as a whole.”
Regarding the accusation that he was behind the assassination of Rafic Hariri, Khaddam said, “I have provided all the information and analysis I possess to the international investigation committee. The case is now in the hands of the international judiciary, and it’s not useful to discuss it further, leaving the matter to what the prosecutor in the Special Tribunal for Lebanon will issue.”
