Question: What is your perspective on the movement for freedom in the Arab world (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya), but also on popular movements in the Arabian Peninsula, Bahrain, Yemen, and Syria?
Answer: The Arab world is going through a new phase because the political, social, and economic system has failed to align with the needs and aspirations of the people, especially their aspirations for freedom, justice, and equality. This has led to the youth revolution in most Arab countries. Governments in the Arab world did not take this matter seriously and insisted on maintaining the current situations, which are no longer suitable for their people. In reality, the conflict is between the young generation aspiring to a prosperous and secure future and systems that do not align with those aspirations.
This is part of the movement of life, and everyone should realize that the current conditions are outdated. A new era is emerging, and efforts should be directed towards supporting and endorsing it, not suppressing and killing it. Suppressing these aspirations means killing the future and entering into darkness worse than the Middle Ages for the people.
In the era of President Hafez al-Assad, I held an important position in the government and served as the Vice President. After his death, I became the interim president because Bashar al-Assad was not of the appropriate age for the presidency, according to Article 83 of the Syrian Constitution. The constitution was amended, and Bashar assumed power and leadership of the army. What happened, and why did I have to leave Syria after some time?
President Hafez al-Assad committed two major mistakes: monopolizing power and working to pass it on to one of his sons, contrary to national and political values prevailing in our society. Over more than 15 years, he prepared for this inheritance by arranging conditions within the armed forces and the party.
On the day of his death, I was outside Damascus. Upon my return, I was informed that Dr. Bashar al-Assad was waiting for me at his father’s house. At that moment, I realized that President Hafez had either died or was in critical condition. I went to the house, and in the reception hall, I found members of the leadership. One of them informed me that President Hafez had passed away, and the leadership had decided to nominate Dr. Bashar and amend the constitution. The leadership, being the decision-making center, had already settled the matter. It was not appropriate at that time to discuss the issue, and indeed, the constitution was amended, and other procedures were carried out.
My knowledge of Dr. Bashar al-Assad was limited, but I tried to assist him in the hope that he would make serious decisions towards political, economic, administrative, and judicial reforms, as well as combating the corruption entrenched in the state. I presented a package of reform projects to him, which were approved by the leadership. Unfortunately, despite their approval, Dr. Bashar evaded implementation, continuing in the footsteps of his father. I opposed his domestic policy, which deprived Syrians of their basic rights guaranteed by the constitution and international human rights law.
After years of dealing with the situation, I realized that Bashar al-Assad had no intention of implementing serious reforms. The situation worsened and became more complicated, especially with the increasing effectiveness of corrupt officials in the state and society, and the escalating suppression of citizens’ freedoms by security forces. I decided to announce my departure from the regime at the party conference, which took place on June 5, 2005. I resigned from my leadership positions in the party and the government, explaining the major mistakes in foreign policy and the alarming flaws in domestic policy.
After leaving Syria in 2005, I conducted meetings in 2006 in several European capitals such as Madrid, London, Luxembourg, and Brussels with representatives from various factions of the Syrian opposition in exile. We announced the formation of the “National Salvation Front in Syria” with the goal of establishing an alternative government in case the regime in Damascus falls. Where are you now in your action plan?
Indeed, after my departure, I engaged in discussions with several factions of the Syrian opposition, including the Muslim Brotherhood. We announced the formation of the National Salvation Front and adopted a program to work towards achieving a peaceful change of power and building a civil democratic state where citizens enjoy equal rights and duties, regardless of religion, sect, gender, or ethnicity. We took significant steps in our work, but the opposition forces faced difficulties, preventing them from achieving their goals at that stage.
The objective was not to declare a government in exile, but rather to prepare for the formation of a transitional government when the regime begins to collapse.
You are aware that the youth of Syria launched their revolution to liberate themselves from a regime that suppressed freedoms for many years. The practices of this regime weakened the country, increased the suffering of the people, led to the spread of poverty, and lowered the standard of living. All of this created an inspiring environment for the youth of Syria to bring about change and build a new secure future.
I can clearly say that the youth of Syria succeeded in launching the path of change. It is the right of the older generation to support and assist them, not to be an obstacle to building the new Syria. The new Syria is their future, and it is their right to lead this future. Therefore, the role of the older generation, in my opinion, across all spectrums of the Syrian opposition and beyond, is to support and assist these youth. The realities of life dictate that one generation does not replace another. Our generation has become part of Syria’s history, and the youth represent the present and future of Syria.
On August 17, 2008, the military court sentenced you to life imprisonment and leveled 13 charges against you, including attempting to change the system in Syria and providing false information to tarnish Syria’s external image. You responded by stating that this indicates Syria has become a large prison, and Syrians are under immense pressure from the regime. When you see the current protests in Syria, what do you think?
The regime in Syria is accustomed to deceiving itself and attempting to deceive the people. As known, all judicial and administrative bodies in Syria are attached to the security apparatus, which issues directives to members of the People’s Council for voting and instructs the judicial and civil bodies. The purpose of the accusations was an attempt to tarnish my reputation and challenge them to identify the foreign state I supposedly contacted. Therefore, this verdict is worth no more than a cigarette butt.
As I mentioned in my previous answer, the protests demanding freedom, justice, and dignity are an expression of the urgent needs of the oppressed Syrian people. The security apparatus, under the leadership of someone raised in a household that only taught him the power he inherited from his father, is using its power to protect the regime.
The youth of Syria express a historical need for change, transitioning from a system that imprisons the country, shatters political life, and seizes freedoms. There is a need to move from a dark system to one where the light of freedom shines, justice and equality are realized, discriminatory practices are eliminated, and the will of the people prevails.
The number of Syrians participating in protests demanding freedom has been increasing, leading to many casualties among the protesters. Do you have information about the current situation inside Syria?
The current situation in Syria is very dire, and each day witnesses a growing sense of anger against this regime and its commission of crimes, killings, and extermination. All of this confirms that the Syrian people are determined to achieve change. The notion of reform is corrupt and unsuitable because the nature of the dictatorial regime can only produce tyranny and corruption. The oppressive regime cannot illuminate the torch of freedom and return power to its main source, the people. The Syrian people will not be at peace until the change occurs, leading to a new constitution that abolishes the presidential system and establishes a parliamentary system where executive power emerges from the people. The people will exercise oversight and accountability through constitutional legislative institutions.
The brutal violence carried out by death squads led by Maher al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad’s brother, and Colonel Hafez Makhlouf, his cousin, along with groups from the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and elements from Hezbollah, increases the isolation and enmity towards the regime. Bashar al-Assad and his clique find themselves isolated from the people.
According to eyewitnesses, the situation in Syria has become extremely dangerous. Security is ubiquitous, and the Syrian regime does not permit protests. In the south, particularly in Daraa, the regime attempts to create the illusion of the existence of Salafist extremists. Is this true? And what type of revolution do Syrians want, a religious or a civil revolution?
You know that the Syrian people are religious, comprising both Christians and Muslims, without being fanatical. It is natural that, when a person faces a crisis threatening their life, future, and security, they turn to God, praying for help and victory. Does everyone who believes in God qualify as a fundamentalist? This is an unrealistic and illogical statement.
Syrians want freedom—the freedom to choose, to believe, to express, and to engage in political activities. Does this mean that advocates of change are fundamentalists? Let me be clear: Those who threaten Syria are those who created sectarian tension through their practices and dealings with the Syrian people. They bear responsibility for all the suffering of the Syrian people. The Syrians aim to build a democratic, secular state that ensures equality in rights and duties for all Syrians, regardless of religion, sect, gender, or ethnicity.
During the protests, protesters resort to mosques. Is this because they are religious, or is it an escape from the authority’s repression?
People attend mosques for worship, also known as a “Jamea,” meaning a place that gathers people. The gathering in and out of mosques is not a new phenomenon in the lives of Syrians; it has been present for a long time.
The regime announced the release of all detainees from the recent events, but the state of emergency, social injustice, and corruption have not changed. Foreign and Arab media are prohibited from covering events. In your opinion, is the current regime capable of implementing genuine reforms?
The regime released a few hundred detainees, but it arrested thousands more. The images published in the media show the horrifying extent of torture suffered by detainees, including children and young boys. As mentioned earlier, the regime is not capable of reform. The decree to reinstate veiled female teachers in education, who were previously removed by another decree, and the response to the requests of some religious figures who align themselves with authority but do not follow the noble saying of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), “Silence in the face of truth is a silent devil.”
These silent sheikhs do not represent public opinion, and their decisions are not part of the solution. The solution lies in changing the regime, abolishing the presidential system, holding those responsible for repression and tyranny accountable. Additionally, the people have lost trust in the regime and its president. Bashar al-Assad has been in power for ten years, intensifying repression, persecution, and autocracy. How can anyone imagine that such a regime is capable of achieving reforms that lead to the people regaining power?
The Syrians do not want instability and chaos but rather change. However, there are different groups of protesters. Facebook youth and protesters in Daraa only want to hear one thing: changing the regime, but without violence. Is this possible in the current situation?
It is natural to say that Syrian youth come from different backgrounds, but they all agree on the need for change. The problem is that the regime itself, through its oppressive practices, serves the process of change. This oppression and bloodshed can only lead to change. The peaceful protesters who took to the streets did not use force; they only had their will, thoughts, and voices. They faced gunfire, and hundreds were killed. Do they bear the responsibility for violence? In any case, the violence exercised by the authorities is what will bring about change.
In Syria, the revolution began within the Sunni sect, and some are concerned about the possibility of sectarian strife. Many people, especially in Christian and Alawite circles, have these concerns. Do you think President Assad has the opportunity to take a step towards national unity?
The Sunni Muslims in Syria constitute the overwhelming majority of the population and have never been sectarian. They have always been keen on national unity. For instance, the first elected president of the Syrian Parliament in 1943 was Mr. Fares al-Khoury, a member of the Christian minority. He also served as Prime Minister several times. Additionally, President Hafez al-Assad, after coming to power in 1970, toured Syrian provinces, receiving unprecedented receptions. During the referendum for the presidency, the vast majority of Syrians supported him. This majority knew he belonged to the Alawite sect. I mention this to emphasize that the existing regime, which adopted a policy of isolation, discrimination, and exclusion, excluding the majority from security and military institutions, led to the production of sectarian tension in the country. Therefore, Sunni Muslims in Syria do not advocate hostility towards other Islamic or Christian sects. They are eager for national unity, which is a top priority for most Syrians.
Bashar al-Assad propagates among the Alawite community that change will lead to the elimination of their sect, aiming to intimidate and gain their support against the youth revolution. The intelligent individuals within the Alawite community, including politicians, religious figures, and intellectuals, should assess the danger of the bloody approach taken by Bashar al-Assad and its threat to the entire nation.
When you left Syria, President Bashar al-Assad accused you of being behind the assassination of Rafik Hariri. What evidence did you rely on to make such an accusation?
I provided the information and analysis I had to the International Investigation Committee. The case is currently in the hands of the international judiciary. I do not find it useful to discuss it further, leaving the matter to what the Prosecutor of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon will issue.
