“Lebanese details” carry heavy burdens with their entangled complexities that, at first glance, seem political but soon reveal their sectarian roots, ultimately culminating in a personality reinforced by family, tribe, or a “trusted individual.”
In closed meetings, Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam often complains about these “details,” which largely seem to encapsulate Lebanese political life and can drown those tasked with addressing them in a whirlwind of “piecemeal” calculations, specifics, sensitivities, and animosities, extending to gossip and the biographies of players and their worthy descendants.
Even an issue as critical as Security Council Resolution 425, which calls for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from the south, can turn – in the always open market of bids and tenders – into a demand for a specific sect, group, or party, as if what remains of the country is “safe and sound.”
Yesterday, on the sidelines of his evening visit to Beirut, the Syrian Vice President touched on some of these “details” in his brief and gesture-rich speech, emphasizing – as a statesman – the ways to address those who “want to be treated and healed rather than play at draining the wounded to benefit from the appearance of a “healer” and the myth of his blessed hand.”
Abdul Halim Khaddam said, in the heart of the presidential headquarters, that “the institution” is the source of authority and the natural framework for dialogue or discussion, whether it leads to agreement or disagreement. Matters are raised and resolved within the Cabinet, not outside of it.
Abdul Halim Khaddam said that individuals gain their importance or crystallize and embody this importance within the institution, and they grow with it rather than at its expense.
Acknowledging the roles of individuals (officials), and through this acknowledgment, Abdul Halim Khaddam emphasized a formula that Lebanese, especially those with roles and influence, tend to overlook: the rule of the Taif Republic is a clear partnership between those he calls “traditionalists” and those who describe themselves as “reformists.”
In clearer terms: the rule is a partnership between pre-war politicians and those who dominated the political scene during the war, driven by the waves generated by uprisings of injustice, deprivation, fear, and the quest for restored dignity.
It seems that the prevailing and accepted principle, until further notice, is: a “prince” from outside the militias and a “minister” from within them. The presidency belongs to the traditionalists, the heirs of the first generation of “independence republic” politicians, but it is not absolute; it is regulated within an “institution” built by and then decided upon by the “reformists.”
In terms of sectarianism, there is no advantage for traditionalists over reformists. Perhaps the “traditionalists,” due to memories and practices leading to the era of elections, lists, and regions with diverse religious and sectarian affiliations, are less explicit in declaring their “sectarianism,” and perhaps they need it less to affirm their “prominence” and representative status.
Isn’t it a striking paradox that the Syrian Vice President comes to Beirut, with the “heavy tasks” of reconciling the officials of the “builders” of the second republic, repairing constitutional institutions, and inviting them to return and rejuvenate them through their “dialogue” about their “details,” which are rarely entertaining?
And when does this occur?
..while U.S. Secretary of State James Baker begins his seventh tour of the region, preparing to call for a “peace conference” tasked with crafting an “acceptable settlement” for the Arab-Israeli conflict.
…while the Israelis face their “big guest” with a unified front, despite their many political and religious parties, using this very diversity as an additional tool for pressure and extortion, with some even throwing “tomatoes” at him. Meanwhile, the “wise” ones try to obscure or downplay the disagreement to maintain a thread of communication, otherwise, extortion would become impossible.
…while Syria is making intensive efforts to achieve a unified or coordinated Arab stance based on the minimum level of solidarity, and to prevent the exploitation of Arab divisions to entrench an era of defeat or to justify the surrender of some exhausted parties seeking a separate peace (perhaps) or worse, which would undermine Palestine without providing protection or guarantees for any other Arab country, with everyone threatened and danger imminent.
“Through ongoing discussions based on our common interests, we arrive at unified conclusions.”
With this, Abdul Halim Khaddam began his remarks upon arriving in Beirut last night, and on the eve of the “imperial journey” to New York.
But the problem lies in the “identity” of the Lebanese interlocutor with the Syrian partner.
This is the problem that was addressed by the composition of the three-headed delegation to the United Nations, with this remarkable and unique fabrication.
An absent institution at home cannot be invoked and then used abroad to affirm adherence to the age of democracy and institutions. The justifications for the three presidents traveling together confirm the weakness of existing institutions, if not their disappearance. The world does not need a joint delegation to believe that Lebanon has been cured of its chronic sectarianism.
In the absence of the “institution,” the discussion will remain flawed, and the “state” in Syria will continue to search in Lebanon for someone who genuinely engages with it, whether in agreement or disagreement, based on interests and politics, not mood, desire, or driven by chronic hostility.
Until that day, the “Lebanese details” will weigh heavily on those who are burdened with them, wasting their time and effort on futile matters, and then they will be accused of interfering in the internal affairs of this peculiar republic that has no real “interior”… at all!