In this challenging phase of Arab life, as suffering and oppression increase, hopes are dashed, bonds are severed, freedom is constrained, wealth is plundered, rights are lost, and lands are attacked. The distinction between right and wrong, justice and injustice, dignity and humiliation, sovereignty and aggression has become blurred. In this situation, citizens from the Mashreq to Morocco ponder the path their nation is taking. What lies ahead? Is it inevitable for the Arab nation to remain in a state of loss, oscillating between a prosperous historical stage and a humiliating present?
Is authoritarianism and injustice an inescapable fate to be embraced? Can the Arab nation and its people continue accepting these prevailing conditions where hope is stifled by external and internal domination?
In this gloomy chapter of our history, where many have forsaken their homeland and plunged into an unknown and bewildering world, even going so far as to assist their enemies against their own nation, distorting the truth, relinquishing their land, and succumbing to foreign domination. In such times, it becomes both a right and a duty for every Arab to question: When will this ordeal end? How?
With these poignant and fervent words, Abdel Halim Khaddam opens the introduction to his book “The Contemporary Arab System: Reading Reality and Exploring the Future” (Arab Cultural Center, Casablanca, Beirut, First Edition, 2003). The book endeavors to answer these pressing questions by studying and analyzing the underlying causes that have shaped the events and experiences of the Arab nation in this era. It seeks to extract valuable insights that can benefit future generations as they navigate their way towards the future.
Introduction:
In the preparation for this study, the author expresses, “After being united by the message of unification, the Arabs formed a nation that carried the torch of freedom, justice, and equality. They spread values, disseminated knowledge, and advocated for human liberation in both the East and West of the Earth. They established a civilization that remains a source of pride for Arabs and Muslims, dispelling the ages of darkness. However, if this great nation, with its rich history, heritage, abilities, and energies, finds itself fragmented and disintegrated, it grapples with two injustices: the injustice of foreign powers coveting its wealth and resources, and the injustice of some of its own people who have lost sight of their vision and sense of belonging, prioritizing personal interests over national interests.
This nation, which embraced the message of Islam with its virtues, justice, and equality, and extended its culture and principles from the borders of China to the Atlantic Ocean, now finds itself immersed in a sea of injustice. It is subjected to systematic actions aimed at eradicating its identity, fostering disintegration, and fueling conflicts between its countries to prevent its rise, particularly due to Zionist aspirations. What is most distressing, worrisome, and frightening is the internal aggression the nation faces through backwardness, injustice, repression, bullying, and the suppression of its will, which paves the way for domination and foreign ambitions.
A nation that is stripped of its will, deprived of its right to self-determination, and denied the freedom to chart its path of development will suffer internal depletion and be weakened in the face of both internal and external adversaries.
Nevertheless, the depletion of the nation caused by internal conflicts and the prevailing imbalance within the great country cannot be permanent. Deep pain serves as a definitive starting point for progress and rebellion against the existing reality in all its dimensions” (p. 7-8).
Before delving into some of Abdel Halim Khaddam’s positions, ideas, and visions, it is important to note that this book comprises eight chapters, namely: National Awareness, the Current Arab Regime, the Arab Regime in the Cold War, the Zionist Project, the October War, the Arab Economic System, and the Arab National Project.
National awareness:
The author asserts that the pursuit of Arab unity remains the most significant issue in the lives of Arabs and in shaping their future.
Without achieving unity, Arabs cannot enjoy security, stability, freedom, justice, and progress.
Given the current state of disintegration, no Arab country, regardless of its strength or wealth, can be immune to storms and dangers. Even a powerful nation, in isolation, remains incapable of self-protection.
Abdel Halim Khaddam further emphasizes that the misguided belief in building a formidable military and economic force has inflicted significant damage on the nation and its countries.
Disintegrated nations lack resilience, and their ability to resist threats and provide the basic necessities for a decent life weakens. The condition of the Arab nation serves as a living testament to the fact that weakness and deterioration lie between unity and disintegration. Backwardness, injustice, and oppression prevail.
In contrast, unity transforms weakness into strength, ignorance into knowledge, injustice into justice, poverty into wealth, and backwardness into prosperity…
The author traces the origins of early national awareness back to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when it emerged in response to Turkic policies. The progression of this awareness and its manifestations were observed through conferences: the first Arab conference held in Paris in 1913, the Arab conference in Jerusalem in 1931, and the formation of the Arab Association and its charter in Egypt in 1936. In the early 1940s, the Arab Revival Movement, initiated by Syrian intellectuals, gained momentum in Damascus and later evolved into the Arab Baath Party.
“Egypt has always been a focal point for Arab citizens. The greatest concern for nationalists in the Arab world was that this populous country, which serves as a link between the Mashreq and the Maghreb and has played a significant role in shaping Arab history since the Arab-Islamic conquest, continued to grapple with internal and external challenges. Politicians and intellectuals dedicated much of their efforts to confront these issues” (p. 22).
After discussing Egypt and the evolution of national awareness there, the author proceeds to talk about Syria in the early 1970s. Following the corrective movement led by President Hafez Al-Assad, Syria adopted a national policy centered on two principles: connecting the Arab-Israeli conflict to the Arab destiny and working towards an Arab environment where cooperation and solidarity thrive to establish a new Arab reality.
During the initial months of 1971, Syria restored normal relations with all Arab countries. Its leadership recognized that a war with Israel was a fundamental necessity for Arab solidarity and support.
The primary focus was on Egypt, considering it the direct partner in the war. The leaders of both countries successfully prepared for the October War.
While Syria directed its efforts towards Egypt, its leadership also acknowledged the significance of Iraq and Saudi Arabia as countries within the Arab circle surrounding Palestine (p. 26).
However, the author documents the decline of early national awareness since the fall of the United Arab Republic in September 1961 and the acceleration of this decline following the setback in June.
The author further states, “When nations face calamities and challenges, they unite to confront them and withstand dangers. However, the Arabs have acted in the opposite manner in the second half of the twentieth century. The policies and practices of most Arab countries, which isolate their people from political participation and decision-making through censorship, have contributed significantly to the prevailing frustration among Arab public opinion.
The Arab citizens have not found convincing justifications for official policies regarding the nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the state of disintegration in the face of Israel and the dominant external forces that pose a threat to their nation.
They do not understand why an Arab government would make peace with Israel while it continues to occupy other Arab lands, commits severe acts of violence against Palestinians, and rejects the path to peace. Why would the government seek salvation while belonging to the realm of major powers?
Why have European countries succeeded in establishing a union among nations that had previously fought numerous wars, while Arabs have failed to take a step towards implementing the Economic Unity Agreement signed a year prior to the European Convention?
Why does this imbalance persist in Qatari administrations and the broader Arab system? These questions, among many others, have been asked by citizens across the country without receiving a convincing answer.
National Frustration
Such questions, for which governments and political parties have failed to provide convincing answers, have contributed to the prevailing national frustration.
Is the current Arab situation permanent? Will Arabs regain their national awareness and reclaim their self-respect before earning the respect of others? Will the nation witness the emergence of a more self-aware Arab situation that recognizes its own interests and rights? Are the investigations and threats it faces not sufficient to trigger a significant shock that restores awareness?
Some optimism stems from the popular reactions witnessed across the country in response to the brutal Israeli aggression against the Palestinian people after September 2000. These reactions escalated as the Intifada transformed into an armed liberation movement.
However, these reactions have remained within a temporary and immediate framework, failing to translate into effective actions in Arab decision-making and policies (p. 28).
The author believes that the responsibility for transforming these reactions into effective and ongoing actions does not solely rest with governments, as many of them are unable to act due to their compromised decision-making capabilities. Instead, the responsibility primarily lies with intellectuals, parties, organizations, and politicians who must break through the barriers of fear to become true leaders of their people, reclaim their rights, and fulfill their roles. However, the author also highlights that one of the serious consequences of the prevailing state of frustration in the Arab arena is the emergence of extremist organizations in several Arab countries. This extremism is a reaction to the existing extremism within the Arab system, which lacks rules for progress, advancement, and the affirmation of common national interests.
The Nature of the Current Arab System
The author examines both internal and external factors in order to identify the characteristics of a new Arab trajectory for progress, with the aim of illuminating the path ahead for the new generation.
“The nature of the current Arab system stands as one of the primary reasons behind the present Arab situation. By examining the circumstances of its establishment and its implementation, we can gain a clear understanding of its shortcomings, address pertinent questions, and forge a new path for a revitalized Arab system.
When referring to the Arab system, we mean the Charter of the League of Arab States along with the subsequent treaties and agreements governing Arab relations in accordance with its provisions.
Abdel Halim Khaddam delves into the historical circumstances surrounding the establishment of this system. It becomes apparent that the Arab regime emerged under British influence, which facilitated its inception for the following reasons:
- Safeguarding British interests in the region east of the Suez Canal, particularly oil interests in Iraq and the Gulf.
- Inheriting French influence in the Middle East.
- Maintaining control over the Suez Canal, international corridors passing through Arab countries, and ensuring control over the region’s security and political landscape.
- Laying the groundwork for the establishment of the State of Israel.
- Thwarting any genuine and effective attempts to build Arab unity.
- Another significant factor influencing Britain’s Middle East policy was the emergence of the United States as a major force during the war, playing a pivotal role in favor of the Allies and nurturing growing aspirations towards the Middle East due to its strategic importance. This prompted Britain to maintain its traditional role and work towards establishing a situation that would help preserve its effective presence in the Middle East.
Against such a backdrop of conflicts and the delicate balance of regional and international power, the League of Arab States was formed, giving rise to the existing Arab system, which continues to persist.”
The author proceeds to discuss the elements of the Arab system, but notes that “with the increasing number of member states in the Arab League, there is little hope for significant development in its structure and charter. This is due to the growing number of stakeholders invested in maintaining the existing situation on one hand, and the direct role and divisions between different states on the other.
The proliferation of interests and resources in several Arab countries has further fueled differences, and the League lacks mechanisms to effectively resolve disputes and prevent them from escalating into armed conflicts at times. This raises an important question: Why do bilateral relations between neighboring Arab countries remain constantly tense? […]
Billions of dollars have been spent on the purchase of weapons, not to counter Israeli aggression, but rather to address conflicts between Arab countries themselves. The primary reason behind these Arab-Arab conflicts is that the Arab system lacks a foundation based on rules; instead, it tends to consolidate narrow Qatari interests, leaving doors open to all possibilities.
The author presents some examples to support this argument. However, he does not overlook another significant factor: the role played by the Qatari state, given its origin and components, in establishing the current Arab system and the shortcomings it continues to suffer from.
After gaining independence and the departure of foreign powers, the Qatari state achieved remarkable progress that was nearly non-existent during the colonial era. These accomplishments included establishing solid infrastructure, which was considered good in some areas and acceptable within the limits of possibilities in others. The Arab countries have witnessed significant developments in physical construction that had not been seen in centuries. Simultaneously, great efforts were made to promote education, improve public health, and build national economies.
While striving to provide an extensive range of services, the government of Qatar neglected an essential aspect that defines the state’s identity—the political dimension that grants citizens the right to participate in decision-making, determine their destiny, and contribute to setting priorities for progress, freedom of thought, and expression.”
In other words, the Qatari state functioned as a service provider to its citizens, striving to offer the best services within the limitations of available resources. However, it did not act as a representative of the people it governs. Consequently, this approach has had negative consequences on the country’s development and has created a significant gap between the government administration and the people.
One of the reasons that led the Qatari state to assume this role is that some of these states were established under foreign presence, while others were founded after their departure. In both cases, the state’s foundations were based on the rules that were established during the occupation. The leaders who spearheaded the independence movements did not attempt to establish the groundwork for an independent state. Instead, they were heavily influenced by the existing forms and methods. Consequently, these leaders often followed the same practices as the foreign occupiers in governing the state.
The author then proceeded to discuss the manifestations of imbalance in the state’s structure and activities. Subsequently, they provided examples of Arab relations with a unitary orientation and their subsequent failure. The political and intellectual backdrop of that time also played a role in the failure of these experiments. The purpose of shedding light on these reasons was not to rewrite historical facts but rather to correct the current reality and objectively analyze the present state of the nation and its surroundings. This analysis aims to identify a clear vision to address the challenging reality and strive for a prosperous future.
The author concluded by stating, “The main problem is not the unity-based formulas, but rather the conviction that Arab relations should be based on genuine partnership, where partners relinquish an equal amount of sovereignty and Qatari interests gradually, in favor of this partnership. This approach is crucial to establish an effective partnership that safeguards the interests and security of all involved parties.”
