Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings be upon you,
I carefully read your message. I was pleased with it because it is a message of sincerity through which you want to know the truth in accordance with the Almighty’s saying (O you who have believed, when a sinner comes to you with news, investigate, lest you attack a people out of ignorance and then become regretful for what you have done....) It is your right and the right of any citizen who wants the truth to ask me, whatever the nature. The question and it is my duty to answer because it is good for the people and for me, and I was in a public position, for them to know the truth in a time when values have weakened. Trust, brother, that what is contained in my message to you contains the truth, and I believe that you, by virtue of your neighborhood, know the environment in which I lived, which taught me the fear of God and the distinction between what is permissible. What is forbidden is the courage to speak the truth
However, I tell you that I am not infallible from mistakes, and I do not claim that during the course of my long work I did not make mistakes. I asked myself, through six questions, about the reasons for my resignation. Is it a knightly awakening and an awakening of conscience? Is it due to hatred against Bashar al-Assad because of my removal from the decision-making center? Or did Abdel Halim Khaddam realize that the regime was on the way to falling, so he wanted to preserve the path of return, or was Abdel Halim Khaddam hurt by the assassination of his friend, the late Rafik Hariri? Or did the United States and Europe, which feared the Islamic and nationalist forces, encourage the moderates in the ruling party, with Abdul Halim Khaddam in the vanguard, to prevent the Islamists and nationalists from coming to power? Or is Abdel Halim Khaddam an agent of the authority to infiltrate and abort the opposition? I simply tell you, brother, the matter is neither one nor the other, but rather related to two basic issues:
The first is a conviction that has been deeply rooted in me for a long time that Syria cannot rise or progress, nor confront Israeli aggression, nor withstand external pressures in light of the policy of exclusion and isolation, the use of violence against citizens, the monopolization of power, the obstruction of the law, the spread of corruption, the lack of interest in economic conditions, the requirements of minimum limits for citizens and their standard of living, and the transformation of governance. To family rule.
This began early when the phenomenon of centers of power initiated by Rifaat al-Assad appeared and expanded, and the conflict began between me and this phenomenon at party conferences and meetings of its leaders. After our success in ending the phenomenon of Rifaat al-Assad, the phenomenon of inheritance emerged, which increased the family’s control over the country’s affairs.
I would like to distinguish between two situations:
First: In this situation, I was responsible for Syria’s foreign policy in planning, management, and follow-up, and everyone knew that what the regime and the Syrians were proud of was Syria’s foreign policy. Especially during the period between November 1970 and late 1998, when I became outside the circle of decision-making, I was able, through long and patient work and great efforts, to stop much of the risk of falling into pitfalls that other Arab countries fell into. I succeeded in defining the priorities and constants of Syrian policy and also succeeded in preserving those priorities. And the constants. In this area, the agreement was good between me and President Hafez al-Assad.
Second: The second situation is the internal situation in Syria, where I was outside the decision-making circle that included the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, the security leaders, and even the party leadership. It was outside the actual decision-making circle, as its role declined after the emergence of the Rifaat al-Assad phenomenon, and the leadership became a cover for decisions that were taken outside its meetings. However, I continued to present my views and convictions about what was happening in the country at party conferences and its institutions, and all of this was recorded in the minutes of the meetings.
Third, I was working to develop a democratic movement. I am free from the errors of authority in the Baath Party. I considered, and still consider this matter essential in saving the country from what it is suffering. In my opinion, I believed that resignation would provide me with relief from a burden that I would not have agreed to had it not been for my acceptance of bearing the lesser harm in order to prevent the greater harm. Therefore, I followed the words of the Noble Messenger, peace and blessings be upon him. And peace (Whoever among you sees an evil, let him change it with his hand, and if he is unable, then with his tongue, and if he is unable, then with his heart, and this is the weakest of faith). Given that I do not have the possibility of change, I have worked with my tongue to achieve it, and the weakest of faith is not silence. The available framework was party conferences, meetings of party institutions, and talking among people wherever it was available to me.
B - Why did you resign now and what are the reasons for resignation?
The conviction has become firmly established in me that reforming the system is not possible and that there is no solution to the country’s suffering other than change, which for me has become a national issue. In addition to that, the dangerous decisions that Bashar al-Assad was taking, which put Syria in the center of danger, and among these decisions was the extension of General Lahoud, which led to the issuance of Resolution 1559, and among its results was the humiliating exit of the Syrian forces from Lebanon. He was able to avoid the issuance of Resolution 1559 and thus the pressures that resulted from it. On Syria, isolating it, and assassinating the late Rafik Hariri as part of the adventurous and bloody policy of Bashar al-Assad.
International judicial investigations have reached the stage of indicting Bashar al-Assad and some of his aides, which increases the extent of the dangers to Syria. Therefore, change constitutes a rescue of the country from a situation it cannot bear. These are all the reasons that prompted me to choose this time to resign.
I chose the national conference to announce my resignation and its reasons, strongly criticizing the internal and foreign policies of the regime.
I left Syria to announce what I announced on Al-Arabiya TV and to launch the call for change, which, as you know, brother, is impossible to launch in Damascus in the circumstances that we all know, and this is not for fear of imprisonment or killing, for God Almighty alone determines the inevitable fate.
I left knowing that a broad movement in the Baath Party and in the country shared my views. I also left determined to cooperate with all Syrians who share my convictions to save the country by setting a framework that brings everyone together and to implement a program that everyone will participate in developing and moving to the stage of working for change. I am confident, God willing, that The dark days in Syria are almost over.
You know, brother, the disintegrated situation of the Syrian opposition and their failure to reach a serious agreement for more than thirty years. Therefore, I saw that my departure from Syria would help in gathering these forces, and I began my active contacts with everyone, especially the Muslim Brotherhood, as I met with the General Controller, Mr. Ali Al-Bayanouni, and it was a successful meeting. Frank and successful, I believe that cooperation between us will help move to a stage in which the opposition is more cohesive and more capable of movement, without neglecting to address public opinion in Syria that is thirsty for change.
Brother, I have reached seventy-four years of age and left the country with my children and grandchildren. Do you think that I went out as an adventurer or a gambler with their future while I see their eyes streaming with tears toward their homeland? The reaction I was expecting before leaving was as I heard accusations of treason in a play organized at the People’s Assembly Theater and the confiscation of everything I own, my wife and my children.
I expected all of this, so why would I expose my children and grandchildren to what they were exposed to? Is it for the sake of a position in an authority that I am fed up with and hate, or for personal hatred of Bashar al-Assad and his group? My answer to that is that I presented myself with two choices: to choose the regime with all its evil, or to choose the homeland with all the honor and dignity it represents, so I decided to choose the homeland with all the sacrifices and effort it requires.
You ask me, brother, about the state of the regime, and I tell you with complete confidence that it is at its worst and its president is afraid. He is resorting to more pressure from the security services on the people and will not be able to withstand. Despite the fact that some of the nationalist and Islamic forces that came to the lawyers’ conference to support him despite their knowledge of the miserable situation of the Syrian people because of what they are suffering from Of injustice and tyranny.
His fate is the fate of corrupt tyrants, and he will not find protection from the consequences of his crimes and mistakes, neither on the coast nor in the interior, despite his attempt to incite sectarian fanaticism in order to take refuge in it. However, the majority realize that he is gone and realize that the Assad and Makhlouf families have caused great damage to them, and they hold him responsible for what is happening in the country. You know, people are not with a regime that is on the verge of departure.
As I indicated earlier in this message, the goal is to save Syria, the homeland that we love, and Syria, the people to which we are proud to belong.
As for your question about the possibility of me being supported by external forces to block the way for the Islamic and nationalist forces to reach power, this is refuted by the agreement that I worked for with the Muslim Brotherhood and which I am working to achieve with the other opposition forces.
You know, Brother Adel, by virtue of the geographical proximity, that the family in which I grew up was at the forefront of the fighters for the independence of Syria, and the path of my political life bears witness to the fact that I was the first in the Arab arena from November 1970 until the end of 1998 in confronting the Zionist project and the policy of foreign hegemony and in defending The right of Arabs to independence, progress and advancement.
As for your reference to my wealth, as if you were referring to the accusations made by the corrupt regime, my response to that in my media interview was to suggest to Bashar al-Assad that he agree to form a committee headed by the head of the Egyptian Bar Association, Mr. Sameh Ashour, and the Secretary-General of the Arab Lawyers Union, and they came to Damascus to support him, in addition to the president of the Court of Cassation in Egypt, in addition to the membership of a member of the Anti-Corruption Committee at the United Nations, will investigate all economic files, contracts, and corruption files in Syria, starting from 1970 until now, and is ready to appear before it and give it all the information I have about deals, contracts, people, and agents of foreign companies, and then the Syrian people will be sure who he was. The source of corruption, who covered it, who spread it, and who protected it.
However, I challenge anyone in power or outside it to present a single incident related to me or any of my children or relatives up to the 20th degree.
Finally, trust, brother, that Abdul Halim Khaddam will remain as he was in the position of honesty in speech, integrity in work, prudence in thinking, and courage in decision, working for the sake of my country, for the sake of the people, and for what God Almighty has commanded us to do to achieve change in the country within the framework of a national project that guarantees safety. Independence and well-being for the people of Syria without foreign interference and without material and moral destruction. This is my pledge before God and before the people I love, asking God Almighty to help us achieve what we aspire to so that our nation may return to being the best nation ever created for the people. From me, dear brother, I extend my best regards, wishing God to inspire us all. The right thing
Your brother Abdul Halim Khaddam
