In mid-March 1978, following a Palestinian operation that crossed the Lebanese-Israeli border and resulted in the death of several Israelis, the State of Israel launched its first invasion, occupying part of southern Lebanon up to the Litani River border. Lebanon, internally divided and facing issues between Syrian “deterrent forces” and Christians, was able to achieve the objective of United Nations Resolution 425. This resolution called for Israel’s withdrawal and the deployment of an international force in the south, a force that still exists today. In the months that followed, Lebanon experienced severe tensions and an increasingly deep conflict between the Christian “Lebanese Front” and Damascus, leading to security incidents. Christians were bombarded, and on July 1, 1978, clashes erupted in the southern suburbs of Beirut between Christian militias and Syrian forces. The fighting quickly spread to various neighborhoods in the eastern province, resulting in shells falling on residential areas and causing casualties and destruction. Like other residents of Achrafieh, I spent the night in a shelter. My family was scattered, and my house was hit by a missile.
On the evening of July 2, President Elias Sarkis held a meeting to address the worsening situation. The meeting took place in the presence of the Prime Minister, the Minister of Interior, and the Commander of the Arab Deterrent Forces. At the request of both communities, the President of the Republic summoned Pierre Gemayel, leader of the Phalange Party, who expressed his party’s readiness for a ceasefire. He also called his son Bashir and urged him to comply. However, the clashes persisted, and we were all forced to spend the night at the Presidential Palace. The next morning, I entered the reception hall, temporarily transformed into the President’s office due to the fighting near his usual office. I found all the palace guests in his presence. I reiterated what we had discussed before: “This is no longer possible. We need to take a significant step for each party to be accountable for its actions.” When we were alone, I said to him, “What should we do next? We cannot stay in our positions. The state is collapsing, and the authorities are ineffective. It might be more honorable for us to resign if the fighting doesn’t stop.”
I had great respect for President Elias Sarkis and his qualities. I did not want history to unfairly portray him as a participant in the ongoing battles, especially because President Camille Chamoun and his allies held him responsible for covering the Arab Deterrent Forces during the bombing operation targeting the eastern province.
For three days, the Presidential Palace was bombarded from positions held by organizations affiliated with the Lebanese Front, causing injuries among members of the Republican Guard. We were not envious of our position.Christians accused us of covering Syria and bombing us.
The Syrians did not respond to our ceasefire request and continued to bombard the Christian area. In a symbolic gesture, the President called his Syrian counterpart to request a ceasefire, emphasizing that the Arab deterrent forces, especially Syrian ones, were not under his command as mandated by the decisions of the Riyadh Summit.
Simultaneously, the Lebanese Front issued an appeal to the international community, urging major countries to assume their responsibilities regarding the attack on Lebanon. They emphasized that this attack aimed to exterminate Lebanon’s free society and posed a threat to the minority situation in the East, thereby endangering peace and stability in the Middle East.
Following this appeal, President Shimon made a statement calling for the end of the presence of Arab deterrent forces in Lebanon. UN Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim also called for a ceasefire. The US and French governments expressed their support for the Secretary-General’s call and reiterated the need for a ceasefire. Meanwhile, the Israeli government expressed deep concern about the attacks on Christians in Lebanon, emphasizing that the weakening of Christian military power would impact southern Lebanon and the areas it controls.
Despite the ceasefire agreements, they collapsed several times, and clashes and bombings by Syrian forces continued. On July 5, the President asked me to go to Syria. He advised me to be clear, to use straightforward language, and to convey our concerns about Syrian policy.
He told me, “Syria does not understand Lebanon. Syrians do not understand Lebanese politics. Even if they stay with us for 100 years, they want to impose their methods on us. They believe the Lebanese president should govern Lebanon as the Syrian president rules Syria. That’s illogical. Lebanon is not Syria, and the Lebanese regime fundamentally differs from the Syrian regime. There is confusion that must be resolved, or else our dispute with Syria will worsen. We are currently engaged in a real conflict with Syria. If Damascus refuses to cooperate with me, I am determined to resign. That’s the message I plan to deliver to the Syrian capital.
The Israeli aggression did not motivate my visit to Damascus. The Syrians responded to Hazmi’s visit with the same determination, demanding, ‘Stop attacking us, stop bombing them.’
Regarding the resignation of the President of the Republic, Foreign Minister Abdel Halim Khaddam firmly stated, “It is absolutely unacceptable to let President Sarkis resign. Even considering this idea weakens Lebanese authority.” However, the Syrian president had a different opinion. He calmly told me, “Resignation is a risky move. I don’t believe President Sarkis will take it. I know he is a logical and responsible man. Anyway, his resignation won’t solve anything; it will only pave the way for new uncertainties.” President Sarkis is not one to embark on reckless adventures. That evening, I returned to the presidential palace with a negative response from the Syrians and a resignation proposal. The President replied, “I will resign if I find myself unable to make any difference.”
On the morning of July 6, the President of the Republic called a meeting with high-ranking state officials, including Prime Minister Salim El-Hoss. I raised the issue by stating, “The president can no longer passively witness the worsening of the situation. He has endured enough and cannot bear it any longer. Therefore, decisive measures are inevitable.” President Sarkis agreed with me, suggesting that his resignation “should be preceded by that of the government to allow the formation of a transitional government led by a Maronite, following the tradition initiated by Bishara El-Khoury in his resignation in 1952.” He proposed the names of former deputies Jean Aziz, Abdulaziz Shihab, and Sheikh Michel El-Khoury to assume the presidency of this transitional government. The President of the Republic then summoned the Speaker of the House and informed him of his position, despite the latter’s unsuccessful attempts to dissuade him.
