The Syrian president's illness was the "awaited moment" for his younger brother, who deployed his forces in Umayyad Square
When Hafez al-Assad fell ill in November 1983, it seemed that Rifaat’s anticipated moment had arrived. He began acting as the “legitimate heir,” seeing himself as the sole successor and started rallying support from his generals, which caused significant displeasure for the president.
Khaddam narrates, “In mid-November 1983, Colonel Adnan Makhlouf informed me that President Assad wanted to see me while he was in the Tishreen Hospital. I asked him if he had had an accident, and he replied: ‘No, he suffered a heart attack.’ I was genuinely surprised and overwhelmed with concern. On my way to the hospital, I imagined what could happen in the event of his death.”
Continuing, Khaddam says, “Upon reaching the hospital, I went to the intensive care unit and found him pale, but he greeted me with a smile. He said, ‘A person doesn’t know what might befall him.’ We talked for a few minutes about his illness. Then he said, ‘Tomorrow Sheikh Amin al-Jumayel will come, and as you see, I can’t receive him. You know that talking to him takes hours.’ I assured him, ‘Don’t worry; I will call him and inform him that I am coming to Beirut to discuss some matters.’ I bid him farewell, wishing him a speedy recovery.”
Rifaat al-Assad to Khaddam after the president’s illness: Whenever someone gets sick, we summon doctors from abroad for him… And Khaddam: This person’s name is Hafez al-Assad, not Hafez Khaddam
Khaddam went to the waiting room at the hospital and spoke on the phone with Chief of Staff General Hikmat al-Shihabi, requesting him to come to the hospital immediately. He says, “My goal was to make suitable arrangements to avoid any surprises. Indeed, General Hikmat came, and we discussed the matter. Meanwhile, Colonel Rifaat al-Assad arrived and went in to see his brother. After a few minutes, he returned to us. At that moment, I was speaking with our ambassador in London and asked him to contact the senior heart specialist, Dr. Magdi Yacoub, to come to Damascus for an important matter. After finishing my call, Colonel Rifaat asked, ‘Why are you calling foreign doctors? Aren’t there heart specialists in Syria? Every time someone falls ill, we summon foreign doctors.’ I replied, ‘This person is the head of the country, not just anyone. His name is Hafez al-Assad, not Hafez Khaddam.'”
From the documents of Abdul Halim Khaddam
After a short time, the three of them left the hospital, and Khaddam returned to his office, where he summoned the Soviet ambassador. He says, “I informed him of President Hafez al-Assad’s condition and asked him to convey this to the Soviet leadership. I also requested the arrival of Soviet doctors to treat the president. The ambassador expressed his concern and said, ‘I will inform the leadership in Moscow immediately.’ Indeed, less than an hour later, the ambassador came to my house to inform me that the Soviet leadership wishes President Hafez a speedy recovery and that the Soviet Minister of Health, a leading heart specialist, will arrive in Damascus tomorrow with a full medical team.”
Khaddam also contacted Dr. Abu Al-Khair Al-Attasi, a resident in Cleveland, USA, and a proficient cardiologist, asking him to come to Syria as quickly as possible. He also called Colonel Mohammad Nasseef, a friend of Dr. Abu Al-Khair, to emphasize the urgency of his arrival. Khaddam recounts, “Indeed, the Soviet doctors arrived, and after two days, Dr. Abu Al-Khair Al-Attasi came. They collaborated with Syrian doctors to re-examine the president using the available means at that time. They concluded that he had suffered a heart attack, and a portion of his heart muscle was damaged. They imposed a strict regimen on the president, including a period of rest in the hospital followed by recuperation in an isolated house away from the public.”
During Hafez al-Assad's illness, Colonel Rifaat became more active in recruiting army officers, most of whom pledged allegiance to him to succeed his brother
Officers and Baathists Pledged Allegiance to Rifaat
During that time, Colonel Rifaat’s activities intensified in attracting army officers, inviting them to his office, and some would visit him considering him the president’s brother. “Most of them pledged allegiance to him as an alternative to his brother, the president, while dissenting from allegiance were Generals Ali Doba, Ibrahim Safi, and Adnan Makhloof. Additionally, some members of the Qatari leadership flocked to him in support,” according to Khaddam. He added, “We felt concerned, and Professor Azzedin Nasir, General Hikmat Al-Shihabi, Colonel Ali Doba, and I discussed the matter. Our common approach was to work on stopping Rifaat’s course, contacting officers, and affirming that the president was well, and there was no danger to his life. Simultaneously, the Military Intelligence worked on smuggling anti-tank weapons from military units outside Damascus to supply the Republican Guard and Military Intelligence with them, intending to use them if Rifaat made a move. His forces were then encircling Damascus and controlling all its main routes. The army leadership also mobilized several divisions, deploying them to the outskirts of Damascus, surrounding the Defense Brigades. The Air Force at the Dumayr Airbase was also put on high alert.”
Hafez and Rifaat Al-Assad, with Hikmat Al-Shehabi in the middle
And the witness recounts that Doba asked Ghazi Kanaan to secretly transport thousands of soldiers in ambulances from Lebanon to near the General Staff headquarters in Damascus, which was besieged by Rifaat’s forces. Doba himself went to an officer affiliated with Rifaat in the General Staff building and “struck him with his whip because he did not comply with his orders of allegiance to Rifaat.” Among the officers was Asef Shawkat from the “Raids Unit,” whose influence rose, and he later married Bashar al-Assad’s daughter, Bushra. His influence fluctuated until he died in the “Crisis Cell explosion” in mid-2012.
After more than a week and Assad’s exit from the intensive care unit, the following leadership members were requested: Abdelraouf al-Kasm as Prime Minister, Abdullah al-Ahmar as Assistant Secretary-General, Abdelhaleem Khaddam as Foreign Minister, Mustafa Tlass as Defense Minister, and Zuhair Masharqa as Assistant Secretary-General. “Upon our arrival, we were informed of a decision he made to appoint these individuals to manage the country’s affairs during his absence from work. Al-Kasm was appointed as its head, considering that the constitution stipulates that the prime minister exercises the president’s duties in case of his absence from work.”
Khaddam: I met with General Al-Shehabi, and we were greatly afraid that Colonel Rifaat would take a crazy step, so we agreed to contact him and visit him to calm him down.
Forces loyal to Rifaat in the Umayyad Square
On that evening, a battalion from the “Defense Brigades” roamed Umayyad Square in the center of Damascus, fully armed, and fired intense gunfire into the air, causing a lot of speculation and concern. “The leadership, including General Shihabi, gathered, and we were very concerned that Colonel Rifaat might take a crazy step. We agreed to contact him (Rifaat) and visit him at his home to calm him down. Indeed, we contacted him and visited him at his home located on the Mezzeh highway.”
Khaddam says, “We were warmly received, and the conversation revolved around the situation in the region, its dangers to Syria, and the necessity of maintaining the stability of the regime. We shouldn’t give others a chance, especially since President Assad is still in a difficult stage. At this point, he spoke emotionally about President Hafez’s neglect of him and the appointment of people in the committee who are his enemies. I responded: It’s the president’s choice. He did not consider individuals but positions: appointing Masharqa as Assistant Secretary-General of the Party, Tlass as Minister of Defense, and, supposedly, if he wanted effectiveness, he should have appointed General Hikmat al-Shihabi as Chief of Staff, as he is the one responsible for military affairs, while General Mustafa was busy with other matters unrelated to the army.”
The President wanted to convey that he chose officials who are legally responsible for their sectors. According to the constitution, Al-Kassim is tasked with exercising the duties of the President, and this matter has nothing to do with the roles of individuals but rather with their positions. Rifaat remained tense because he considered himself the heir to the president and the strongest figure in the regime.
During the meeting, General Shihabi extensively discussed the current stage and “the danger of division at a time when enemies are waiting for such a situation to attack the regime.” Khaddam commented, “You want to contribute to the decision; we can discuss all matters within the leadership, and when we reach a decision that requires announcement, we will publish it in the name of the committee.” This suggestion was considered a reasonable way out, and it was accepted.
Despite President Assad overcoming the critical stage, Rifaat continued his activities in an attempt to attract party members and union organizations. At the same time, his images continued to cover the walls in Damascus and other provinces.
Khaddam, in response to an American request to meet with Rifaat al-Assad: If you insist on meeting with Colonel Rifaat, we will refuse to receive your representative and will not give him a visa.
Tensions in Lebanon
Khaddam points out that during that period, the situation in Lebanon was tense, and matters escalated with American and French forces. The U.S. forces shelled Syrian forces in Lebanon. “We gathered, General Hikmat and Colonel Doba, and discussed the matter. We concluded that not responding would widen the scope of aggression and weaken the morale of our forces. So, we decided to respond. General Hikmat gave instructions to our forces to use their anti-aircraft weapons against the planes flying over our forces. Indeed, an American plane was shot down, and the American pilot was captured. A few days later, the U.S. ambassador informed me that President Reagan wants to send his representative to Syria and Lebanon, Mr. Donald Rumsfeld. Due to President Hafez’s illness, he would meet with me and Colonel Rifaat.”
From the papers of Abdul Halim Khaddam
I immediately responded with emotion, saying, “In Syria, there is a state and institutions. The Foreign Minister represents Syria. If you insist on meeting Colonel Rifaat, we refuse to receive Mr. Rumsfeld and will not grant him an entry visa to Syrian territory. If you meet with me and then, after Mr. Rumsfeld arrives in Syria, you meet with Colonel Rifaat al-Assad, we will put both of you in a car and drop you off in Lebanon.”
Khaddam recalls, “The ambassador turned yellow, looked upset, and said he would inform his government.” On the second day, he requested a meeting with me and conveyed that Washington’s decision was to “meet with you only.” At that point, I welcomed Rumsfeld’s visit.